A north-side view of slavery. The refugee: or, The narratives of fugitive slaves in Canada. Related by themselves, with an account of the history and condition of the colored population of Upper Canada

JO

n«j

m

m

^LIJL SMITH ELBERT « 88
KATHARINE E. CQMAff .

Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2013

http://archive.org/details/northsideviewofsOOdrew

S. G. & E. L. ELBERT

A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVE"

.

OR THE

NARRATIVES OF FUGITIVE SLAVES U CANADA.

RELATED BY THEMSELVES,

WITH

AN ACCOUNT OF THE HISTORY AND CONDITION OF THE
COLORED POPULATION OF UPPER CANADA.

BY
BENJAMIN DREW.

BOSTON: \

PUBLISHED BY JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY.

CLEVELAND, OHIO:

JEWETT, PROCTOR AND WORTIIINGTON.

NEW YORK : SHELDON, LAMPORT AND BLAKEMAN.

LONDON : TRUI5NKR AND CO.

1856.

Entei*ed according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, by

JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY,

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.

CAMBRIDGE :

ALLEN AND FARNHAM, STEREOTYPERS AND PRINTERS.

PUBLISHERS' ADVERTISEMENT,

The work here offered to the public will be found, we ven-
ture to say, one of the most instructive and interesting that has
yet appeared on the subject of American Slavery. It is origi-
nal in design and scope, and has been executed with the most
conscientious care and fidelity. The author is a gentleman of
high character, whose statements may be implicitly relied upon,
and whose intelligence is not likely to have been deceived. As
for the statements of the Fugitives from Slavery, they speak for
themselves. Nowhere else can be found such a mass of direct
and unimpeachable testimony as to the true character of the
Peculiar Institution, by witnesses who have had the best oppor-
tunities of knowing its nature, and who occupy a point of view
from which its characteristic lineaments can be most distinctly
discerned.

We are confident that " A North-side View of Slavery " will
prove to be not only one of the most effective Anti-slavery argu-
ments ever issued from the press, but a valuable and perma-
nent contribution to American Literature.

JOHN P. JEWETT & CO.

(iii)

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

The colored population of Upper Canada, was estimated in
the First Report of the Anti-Slavery Society of Canada, in
1852, at thirty thousand. Of this large number, nearly all the
adults, and many of the children, have been fugitive slaves
from the United States; it is, therefore, natural that the
citizens of this Republic should feel an interest in their fate
and fortunes. Many causes, however, have hitherto pre-
vented the public generally from knowing their exact condi-
tion and circumstances. Their enemies, the supporters of
slavery, have represented them as " indolent, vicious, and de-
based ; suffering and starving, because they have no kind mas-
ters to do the thinking for them, and to urge them to the
necessary labor, which their own laziness and want of fore-
cast, lead them to avoid." Some of their friends, anxious to ob-
tain aid for the comparatively few in number, (perhaps three
thousand in all,) who have actually stood in need of assist-
ance, have not, in all cases, been sufficiently discriminating in
their statements : old settlers and new, the rich and the poor,
the good and the bad, have .suffered alike from imputations of
poverty and starvation — misfortunes, which, if resulting from
idleness, are akin to crimes. Still another set of men, selfish in

A* (v)

vi author's preface.

purpose, have, while pretending to act for the fugitives, found a
way to the purses of the sympathetic, and appropriated to their
own use, funds intended for supposititious sufferers.

Such being the state of the case, it may relieve some minds
from doubt and perplexity, to hear from the refugees them-
selves, their own opinions of their condition and their wants.
These will be found among the narratives which occupy the
greater part of the present volume.

Further, the personal experiences of the colored Canadians,
while held in bondage in their native land, shed a peculiar lustre
on the Institution of the South. They reveal the hideousness
of the sin, which, while calling on the North to fall down and
worship it, almost equals the tempter himself in the felicity of
scriptural quotations.

The narratives were gathered promiscuously from persons
whom the author met with in the course of a tour through the
cities and settlements of Canada West. While his informants
talked, the author wrote : nor are there in the whole volume a
dozen verbal alterations which were not made at the moment
of writing, while in haste to make the pen become a tongue for
the dumb.

Many who furnished interesting anecdotes and personal his-
tories may, perhaps, feel some disappointment because their
contributions are omitted in the present work. But to publish
the whole, would far transcend the limits of a single volume.
The manuscripts, however, are in safe-keeping, and will, in all
probability, be given to the world on some future occasion.

For the real names which appear in the manuscripts of the
narratives published, it has been deemed advisable, with few
exceptions, that letters should be substituted.

To those persons mentioned in the course of the work as

author's preface. vii

having given him assistance and aid, the author acknowledges
his obligations : and he feels, likewise, that his thanks are due
to Thomas Henning, Esq., Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Soci-
ety of Canada ; F. G. Simpson, Esq., Agent of the same
Society, and S. Walton, Esq., of Toronto ; John Doyle, Esq.
City Clerk, London; Rev. Mr. Peyden, of Hamilton; Rev.
William King, Buxton; John Hatfield, Esq., Amherstburg;
John Fairfield, Esq., Canada West.

Boston, 1855.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION

ST. CATHARINES .
James Adams
William Johnson
Harriet Tubman

Mrs. .

Rev. Alexander Hemsley

John Seward

James SeAvard

Mrs. James Seward

Mr. Bohm

James M. Williams

John Atkinson

Mrs. Ellis .

Dan Josiah Lockhart

Mrs. Nancy Howard

George Johnson

Isaac Williams .

Christopher Nichols

Henry Banks

John W. Lindsey .

Henry Atkinson

William Grose

David West

Henry Jackson

TORONTO .

Charles H. Green .
James W. Sumler
Patrick Snead

PAGE
1

17
19
29
30
31
32
40
41
41
43
43
43
44
45
50
52
54
67
72
77
78
82
87
91

94
96
97
99

(ix)

X CONTENTS.

Charles Peyton Lucas . 105

Benedict Duncan 110

William Howard . Ill

Robert Belt .......... 112

Elijah Jenkins 113

John A. Hunter . 114

Sam Davis . . . . . . . . . 115

HAMILTON 118

Rev. R. S. W. Sorrick 119

Edward Patterson . . . . . . . .121

"Williamson Pease . 123

Henry Williamson . 133

GALT .136

William Thompson 136

Henry Go wens 138

Mrs. Henry Gowens . . 143

LONDON 147

Aby B. Jones . 149

Alfred T. Jones 152

Nelson Moss 153

Erancis Henderson . 154

Mrs. Erancis Henderson . 160

John Holmes . 161

Mrs. — — Brown 173

John D. Moore 174

Christopher Hamilton 175

Mrs. Christopher Hamilton 177

Alexander Hamilton 177

Mrs. Sarah Jackson 179

Henry Morehead 180

Anonymous 182

John Warren 183

Benjamin Miller 187

QUEEN'S BUSH .189

William Jackson . . . . . . . . 189

Thomas L. Wood Knox 191

Sophia Pooley 192

John Erancis 195

John Little 198

Mrs. John Little 224

CONTENTS. XI

CHATHAM 234

J. C. Brown . .239

Philip Younger 248

Gilbert Dickey 251

William J. Anderson . 254

Henry Crawhion 256

Mary Younger . . . 258

Edward Hicks -. 260

Henry Blue . . . . . . . . . 270

Aaron Siddles 271

John C n 274

Reuben Saunders ......... 274

Thomas Hedgebeth 276

William Brown 280

Anonymous 282

Isaac Griffen . . .284

William Street 285

BUXTON . 291

Isaac Riley 298

Mrs. Isaac Riley 299

Harry Thomas 301

R. Van Branken 305

Henry Johnson 306

DRESDEN; DAWN 308

British American Institute 309

William H. Bradley 312

William Hall 314

WINDSOR 321

Refugees' Home 323

Thomas Jones 326

William S. Edwards 328

Mrs. Colman Ereeman . . 330

Ben Blackburn . . . * . . . . . . 333

William L. Humbert 333

David Cooper 334

Industrial Institution . . . . . . . . 334

John Martin 335

Daniel Hall 337

Lydia Adams . 338

J. F. White .339

Leonard llarrod 339

Xll

CONTENTS.

SANDWICH .

George Williams
Henry Brant
Mrs. Henry Brant

AMHERSTBURG .
Charles Brown
James Smith
Kev. William Troy
William Lyons
Joseph Sanford
John Hatfield .

COLCHESTER .

Robert Nelson .
David Grier
Ephraim Waterford
Eli Artis
Ephraim Casey
Rev. William Ruth

GOSFIELD .

John Chapman
Thomas Johnson
Eli Johnson

341
343
344
346

348

350
351
353
358
358
363

367
369
372
373

374
374
375

378
378
379
381

INTRODUCTION.

When in any State, the oppression of the laboring
portion of the community amounts to an entire depri-
vation of their civil and personal rights ; when it as-
sumes to control their wills, to assign them tasks, to reap
the rewards of their labor, and to punish with bodily
tortures the least infraction of its mandates, it is obvi-
ous that the class so overwhelmed with injustice, are
necessarily, unless prevented by ignorance from know-
ing their rights and their wrongs, the enemies of the
government. To them, insurrection and rebellion are
primary, original duties. If successfully thwarted in
the performance of these, emigration suggests itself as
the next means of escaping the evils under which they
groan. From the exercise of this right, they can only
be restrained by fear and force. These, however, will
sometimes be found inadequate to hold in check the
natural desire of liberty. Many, in spite of ah opposi-
tion, in the face of torture and death, will seek an
asylum in foreign lands, and reveal to the ears of pity-
ing indignation, the secrets of the prisonhouse.

1

Z INTRODUCTION.

The escape of slaves forms the most irritating sub-
ject of discussion between the North and the South.

-If on this, as on all other evils connected with or
growing out of slavery, a common man of plain com-
mon sense, were asked his opinion, he would probably
say — " remove the cause and the effects will cease ; re-
move the oppression which induces to emigration, and
a fugitive slave will be an impossibility." But this
" would only excite a smile at the South." How mis-
taken is common sense !

The South are taking measures, (when was it oth-
erwise ?) to preserve, extend, and perpetuate slavery.
The problem must be solved, if solved at all, without
the oppression being removed.

By the combined influence of ignorance and fear, the
amount of emigration has been reduced to a minimum.
We could wish the South would adopt a mode of rea-
soning sometimes presented to us, — something of this
sort; — in all kinds of business, losses are inevitable
Men at the North lose by fall of stocks, by consignments,
by fires, and in a great variety of ways. If a Yankee
loses a ship worth twenty thousand dollars, he does not
expend one hundred thousand in endeavoring to fish it
up. He simply enters it in his account of profit and
loss. And if a slave runs away, we might as well make
the same entry quietly, as to wound the feelings and
sensibilities of our northern friends ; magnifying and
increasing " the deep sectional difference of inborn feel-
ing;" and filling whole cities with grief, shame, and

INTRODUCTION. 6

an indignation irrepressible, except by marines and de-
tachments of artillery.

Meanwhile the fugitive slave law continues to be
enforced.

Gloss the matter over as much as we may, and take
" south-side views " through a multiplying glass, — yet
we must admit, that the slave's is a cruel lot.

We may compare King James's or the Douay Bible
with the Hebrew and the Septuagint; we may find
there, and in all recensions, polyglotts, and translations
extant, the history of Abraham and Hagar, — yet we
must allow, that an American slave, in his best estate,
is a man badly educated, and systematically ill used.

We may study the New Testament and become con-
versant with the proceedings of Paul in regard to One-
simus ; we may wade through the commentaries of
pro-slavery and anti-slavery writers thereupon, — yet
the truth will remain, that an American slave is deemed
" a chattel personal," — " the property of a master to
whom he belongs," — that he is liable to be flogged,
sold, and divorced, as the interest, caprice, or spite of
his master may dictate.

It may possibly be the case that the denunciatory
language which the South has used in speaking of abo-
litionists, may have " irritated " them, and that, under
this irritation, they have manifested more zeal in the
cause of emancipation, than they would otherwise have
done. Still we deem it undeniable, that if there is any
situation on earth in which a man can be placed, which
should stir up from its depths, the most active sympa-

4 INTRODUCTION.

thies of the human heart, it is the deplorable situation
of an American slave.

If these things are so, how can it be wrong to assist
a slave who is making his escape ? Surely, to aid the
unfortunate is a duty, which no power on earth can
legislate into a crime.

But at this late day, the question is forced upon us,
whether it is an unfortunate thing for a man to be a
slave ? This " excites a smile " at the North, — but as
this book is destined to be read at the South as well as
at the North, we will examine the question a little.

Slavery, we are told, has its bright as well as its dark
parts. In southern cities, there is good order, the
streets are quiet in the night, and there is an absence
of mobs. In that portion of southern society which
is under the highest cultivation, the slaves smile, laugh,
are happy, — one must see that they are happy. Relig-
ion has gained a wonderful ascendency among the col-
ored people. The number of communicants among
them is very large. "The only difference between them
and us, as to religious instruction is, they cannot gen-
erally read." " As responsibility, anxiety about the pres-
ent and future, are the chief enemies to cheerfulness,
and, among mental causes, to health, it is obvious that
if one can have all his present wants supplied, with no
care about short crops, the markets, notes payable, bills
due, be relieved from the necessity of planning and
contriving, all the hard thinking being done for him by
another, while useful and honorable employment fills
his thoughts and hands, he is so far in a situation favor-

INTRODUCTION. O

able to great comfort, which will show itself in his
whole outer man. Some will say, ' This is the low-
est kind of happiness.' Yet it is all that a large
portion of the race seek for ; and few, except slaves,
obtain it." " If the colored people of Savannah, Colum-
bia, and Richmond, are not, as a whole, a happy peo-
ple, I," says the reverend author from whom we quote,
" have never seen any." We are told, indeed, that
" Cases illustrating the opposite of almost every agree-
able statement now made could also be multiplied ;
still the things just described are as represented, and
he is not in a healthful state of mind, who cannot appre-
ciate them. Our error has been in mixing the dark
and bright parts of slavery together. This is wrong.
We should never lose sight of distinct moral qualities
in character, as we do of different colors in mixing
paint. Let us judge slavery in this manner ; let us
keep her different qualities distinct — abhor that in her
which is evil, rejoice in that which is good."

Damocles sits at the royal banquet, surrounded with
gold and silver plate ; the table is loaded with delica-
cies of every kind. " Happy fellow that Damocles,"
says Mr. South, " he is in a broad laugh ! "

" Yes;" answers Mr. North, "but look — do you not
see that glittering sword hanging over his head by a
single hair?"

" Never mind the sword, — you are mixing together
the bright and the dark. This is wrong. Let us, at
present, consider only the dinner. What splendid fare !

1*

6 INTRODUCTION.

Judging from the gold and silver plate, from the chap-
lets of roses, from the handsome pages about him, from
the mingled flavors of the roast and the boiled, and
from the appetite of Damocles himself, one must see
that he is a happy man."

" If he is happy it is either because he is ignorant of
his condition, — or knowing ' the day of trouble and
of treading down,' he has adopted the philosophy
spoken of by the prophet, ' let us eat and drink, for to-
morrow we shall die,' As happy as Damocles appears,
there is the sword, — who would want a good dinner
with such an accompaniment ? "

" You are wrong. The dinner is good — let us re-
joice over that. Damocles fares well. It is a pity that
the hungry, dirty, rascally, riotous Celts cannot have
just such a dinner every day at the table of Dionysius.
Now we will examine the sword a little — but let us
handle it gingerly."

If slavery causes an " absence of mobs," let slavery
have all due credit on that score. Give it joy that it
prevented the destruction of Cassius M. Clay's press,
the murder of Lovejoy, the expulsion of Judge Hoar,
the lynching, of Amos Dresser, and the thousand and
one acts of violence and outrage which have caused
some unreflecting men to deny that the South is ten-
anted by a civilized people : more recently that it pre-
vented a mob of armed Missourians from interfering in
the Kansas election, and spared the office of the Park-
ville Luminary. We presume that the absence of
mobs of colored persons must have been intended.

INTRODUCTION. 7

A strong police must watch the motions of the op-
pressed— prevent them from meeting together unless
some of the oppressors are present — keep them in
their quarters at night, etc. This system of police
usually answers its atrocious purpose very well. It
wields the lash against offenders, and instils into the
oppressed the fear requisite to suppress any overt act
toward gaining their rights as human beings. Inci-
dentally, it hinders the commission of crimes, prevents
mobs [of colored persons], and keeps the streets quiet,
and is so far beneficent in its action. Yet it cannot be
denied that the cause of liberty in the world has been
much indebted to mobs.

" Oppression driveth a wise man mad." The op-
pressed, then, must not be made wise. If they do not
know that a laborer can be a free man, the thought of
freedom for themselves will not, perhaps, enter their
heads. If they can be raised, so ignorant as to believe
that slavery is the proper and natural condition of their
being, — that they cannot take care of themselves, they
will probably, be contented with their lot. The more
infantile their minds are suffered to remain, the less
will they comprehend the absolute wretchedness of
their estate ; the less opportunity will they have to
learn of lands where all are free, — the less capable
will they be of putting forth exertion to resist oppres-
sion or to escape from it. The intention of the slave-
holders in this respect, seems to be approximately real-
ized. Unaware of the delights of mental cultivation,
of the proper growth and expansion of the human sou).

8 INTRODUCTION.

many of the oppressed class will appear in good humor
and often in a " broad laugh." The manhood of this
portion of the sufferers has not, indeed, been " crushed
out of them : " — it has never been developed. They
are little children in every thing but bodily maturity.
" The slaves in Savannah," says Patrick Snead, a fugi-
tive slave from that city, " are poor, ignorant creatures,

— they donH know their condition?''

A class of men retained in the lowest form of bond-
age, hopeless of any thing higher and better on earth,

— at the best dividing their earnings with masters, but
more often urged to hard and prolonged labor, through
the influence of fear, — incapable of obtaining any de-
gree of cultivation or dignity here below, — will be
peculiarly interested in representations of a better life
hereafter. A religion which insists on obedience to
masters and mistresses, and which inculcates forgive-
ness of injuries, will find many teachers among those
whose domestic cares lessen, and whose profits rise in
proportion to the number of proselytes, and whose
codes legalize the grossest wrongs : a faith which prom-
ises heavenly rewards to humility, obedience, and pa-
tience, — which admonishes him that is smitten on -one
cheek to turn the other also, will find many converts
among those who are glad to escape a sense of their
indignities and incessant humiliations, by believing that
servility itself is a Christian grace. " Suppose a fam-
ily [of slaves] bound to their master by affection and
respect. Whatever he can make appear to their under-
standings and consciences to be right, he has as much

INTRODUCTION. 9

power to enforce upon them as ever falls to the power
of moral suasion." " If the numbers of pious slaves
are an indication, it must be confessed that slave-own-
ers, as a body, have performed their Christian duties to
their slaves to a degree which the masters of free ap-
prentices and the employers of free laborers have as yet
hardly equalled." What knowledge the slaves have
of the Scriptures is obtained by the ear, for " they are
generally unable to read." "While we would hope that
many among the class of oppressors are faithful in pro-
claiming the whole counsel of God, it must be admitted
that there is a strong temptation on the part of the mas-
ters to use the Scriptures mainly as an auxiliary to the
overseer.

The South-side View of Slavery says, " The gospel
which is preached to them [the slaves], so far as I
heard it, is the same gospel which is preached to us."
But the prayers of the slaves [p. 54 and 55] and the
hymns they selected, [p. 55~] Watts' Ps. 51, Hymns
139, B. I. and 90, B. II, seem to confirm the view we
have presented ; while the address of the superintend-
ent of the colored Sabbath school, [p. 85] by no means
contradicts it : nor does the hymn sung by slaves [p.
212].

To magnify the benefits which incidentally and cas-
ually grow out of the system of slavery, and to repre-
sent them as vast enough to sink its direct enormities
into comparative insignificance, is, as if a man were
to point to an abundant harvest of corn, on the blood-

10 INTRODUCTION.

enriched field of Waterloo, as a sufficient reason for
involving the world in the horrors of war.

If, as we have said, the slave's lot is a cruel one, —
if, in his best estate, the enslaved American is a man
badly educated, and systematically ill-used, — if, by
law he is " the property of a master to whom he be-
longs " — liable to be flogged, sold, and robbed of his
wife and children, as the interest, or caprice, or spite of
the master may dictate — it appears to us that to as-
sist him if he endeavors to escape from bondage, is a
binding duty which not all the constitutions, laws, and
sophistries in Christendom can erect into a crime.

But before you render assistance, you should know
" whom you are helping and for what reason he has
fled." Perhaps he is running away to get rid of a scold-
ing wife, — or he may be an ungrateful man, — nay, he
may be a thief or a murderer.

And where am I to go for information on these
points ? To his pursuers ? They will not tell me the
truth. Patrick Snead, a fugitive from Savannah, as
white as nine tenths of the men of the north, and not
therefore " a fugitive black man," was arrested on
a false charge of murder. Sims and Burns, both
" black men," were kidnapped in Boston on charges of
theft. By taking the word of a pursuer, I may " plunge
a shipmate into the jaws of a shark." Proceedings are
" summary," — and by the time I could obtain reliable
intelligence, the fugitive might become the victim of
an incensed tyrant, whose malice is protected by writ-

INTRODUCTION. 11

ten atrocities denominated laws. In any particular
case, the probabilities are, that the fugitive slave is an
innocent man, — a wronged and suffering brother, to
hear whose prayer it would be perilous for a Christian
to refuse. But if, in one case out of a thousand, it
should subsequently appear, that he had committed lar-
ceny, or had even "killed an Egyptian," — it might
quiet our consciences to reflect that in judging of a
slave's guilt, allowances ought to be made for the pe-
culiar privations and wrongs, incident to a slave's life,
and on the score of the abject ignorance, to which he
has been condemned by an unjust law, — that if the
same crime had been perpetrated by a white man, in
order to effect his escape from wrongful captivity among
Patagonians or Arabs, he would be acquitted both in
conscience and law, — and that it were better to aid
ten, nay, ten thousand poor, unenlightened, uninstructed
creatures to escape hanging, than to incur the tremen-
dous responsibility of consigning an innocent man to a
doom worse than death itself.

But even in cases where the fugitives bring proof
that they are fleeing from brutal treatment, " no rule
was ever made that could determine a man's duty."
We must " return to the Constitution ! " Return to
the gospel, rather. " Lord when saw we thee, a stranger,
and did not minister unto thee ? Then shall he answer
them, saying, Verily, I say unto you, Inasmuch as ye
did it not to one of the least of these ye did it not to
me." Could not an ingenious clergyman manage to
construct from this passage a rule to determine a man's

12 INTRODUCTION.

duty in case of a fugitive stranger ? To suppose that
one on the left hand might urge in reply, " Lord, the
least of thy brethren came to my door, hungered, and
athirst, a stranger, and naked ; it offended my moral
sense to have him taken back to involuntary servitude :
but there were other interests for moral sense to be con-
cerned about besides those of a fugitive black man. I
lived in a Union, under a Constitution, which contained
a ' simple provision ' that he must be delivered up, —
and there was a law of the land, which made it penal
to minister to thy brother, — and I chose to obey man,
rather than to obey God, therefore place me among the
sheep." To suppose that this might be urged in reply,
were taking a south-side view of the day of judgment.
A certain man on his way from Jerusalem to Jericho
" fell among thieves which stripped him of his raiment,
and wounded him, and departed, leaving him half
dead." Leaving him ! They were quite merciful com-
pared with slave-hunters, — these take man and all.
The priest and the Levite saw him but had no com-
passion on him, — perhaps they wanted to know whom
they were helping, before they lent their aid, — or per-
haps they had constitutional scruples. But a certain
Samaritan put him on his own beast, and brought him
to an inn. " Which now of these three, thinkest thou,
was neighbor unto him that fell among the thieves ?
And he said, he that showed mercy on him. Then said
Jesus unto him, Go, and do thou likewise." This is in
illustration of the law, " Thou shalt love thy neighbor
as thyself," — a law rather "higher" than the Blue

INTRODUCTION. 13

Ridge, or the Black Code : and considering th^source
from which it emanated, possibly somewhat higher
than any form of Constitution in any human gov-
ernment whatever : nay, than that embodiment of
American civilization, that flower of human wisdom,
that rarest union of exact justice and gentle mercy, the
unconstitutional fugitive slave law. But until the " law
of the land " is repealed, all appeals to a " higher law "
are " fanaticism ! " Let us strive to amend the Consti-
tution, and to repeal the obnoxious statute, — for Con-
stitution, and laws, and the Republic itself must come
to nought, if the people subscribe to the doctrine, that
the enactments of man, however unjust and abomina-
ble, are paramount to the merciful laws of the Most
High God.

But with whatever tint' of words oppression may be
decked : with what zeal soever it may strive to bring
a clean thing out of an unclean, and to prove that ig-
norance and degradation and man-chattelism are pro-
ductive of happiness to their victims, and pregnant with
some immense good in some unknown way to Africa,
and to those persons in this country having less or
more African blood, and who are of all shades and col-
ors, " from snowy white to sooty ; " it is a positive fact,
that many thousands have fled from the " happiness "
of southern servitude, and found freedom in Canada.
From the ties of a common humanity and a common
nationality, we feel a deep interest in those exiled men.
Why have they left a government which acknowledges

2

14 INTRODUCTION.

that " all men are born free and equal," and given their
allegiance to another which does not recognize so dem-
ocratic a doctrine ? What circumstances have led
them to prefer a monarchy to a republic ? Why have
they exchanged the genial clime of the south for a realm
where winter holds half the year ? Why have they
abandoned friends and kindred, kind masters and mis-
tresses who were willing to take care of them, [wives,
children, and home, we would add, were it not that the
idea would " excite a smile at the South "] to live a
life of exile among strangers ? What are their views
of the oatriarchal institution ? Which condition do

Si

they find best suited to the African race, or rather to a
race partly African, partly Saxon, — slavery or freedom ?
Should a contest with England arise, would they enlist
under the cross of St. George, or under our stars — and
stripes ? What is their present condition ? What are
their prospects for the future ?

These and similar questions can be most satisfacto-
rily answered by the refugees themselves.

The history of their sufferings and their wrongs, of
their bondage and their escape, may excite in some
heart hitherto unmoved a glow of sympathy for our
colored brother, yet fraudulently deprived of his birth-
right,— it may furnish the true friends of our country,
— the friends of liberty and equal rights, — additional
means toward overthrowing the slave power ; that
scandalous aristocracy which has hitherto been allowed
to a great extent to sway the destinies of our nation.

INTRODUCTION. 15

The opinions and views of those who have been held
in bondage in the United States may enable us to ob-
tain a clearer insight into the nature of American
slavery, — may prompt us to perform more energeti-
cally than hitherto, our duties to the oppressor and the
oppressed, — to the North and to the South, — to the
national government, and to the State in which we
dwell.

The writer of these pages intends to visit those
Americans who have fled from the North and the South
into Upper Canada to escape the oppression exercised
upon them by their native countrymen. He will assure
them that they have the sympathies of many friends in
the United States, and advise them that their good
conduct and success in life may have an important
bearing on the destinies of millions of their brethren, col-
ored and white, in this country, who have the misfor-
tune to be descended from slave mothers. He will en-
deavor to collect, with a view to placing their testimony
on record, their experiences of the actual workings of
slavery — what experience they have had of the condi-
tion of liberty — and such statements generally as they
may be inclined to make, bearing upon the weighty
subjects of oppression and freedom.

Objections may be urged to the testimony of the
refugees on the score of their ignorance. We may nat-
urally expect errors and mistakes in regard to dates,
ages, proceedings at law, and other matters to know
which would require an amount of information not
vouchsafed to American slaves. But errors of this sort

16 INTRODUCTION.

are of secondary consequence, and should rather be
imputed to those who have from interest or necessity
(the tyrant's plea) placed their candle under a bushel,
that it might not give light to all who were in their
house. With this qualification there appears to be no
reason why the statements of the colored Canadians
should not be received as readily as any human testi-
mony whatever.

If verbal alterations are required care will be taken
to preserve the meaning : and if any portion of a nar-
rative is found to trench upon affairs having no connec-
tion with slavery, or is likely to involve any good Sa-
maritan in trouble, it will receive no other attention
from the writer than to be studiously omitted.

And now we will make the best of our way to Can-
ada. From that point let us survey the institution
which entails many " domestic evils deplored by tht
whites," — which " impoverishes a State," — " stays the
development of its natural resources," — is "a great
curse " — "a blot on our holy religion," — "a curse in
all its relations of master and servant," exerting a "bad
influence," says a slaveholder, " upon our passions, upon
our children, destroying that sense of moral responsi-
bility which ought to bear upon us : " and let us in-
dulge a hope that the cause of emancipation may re-
ceive a new impulse from a North- Side View op
Slavery.

THE REFUGEE;

OR

A NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

ST. CATHARINES.

Refuge! Refuge for the oppressed! Refuge for
Americans escaping from abuse and cruel bondage in
their native land! Refuge for my countrymen from the
lash of the overseer, from the hounds and guns of south-
ern man-hunters, from the clutches of northern mar-
shals and commissioners ! Rest ! Rest for the hunted
slave ! Rest for the travel-soiled and foot-sore fugitive.

Refuge and Rest! These are the first ideas which
arise in my mind in connection with the town of St.
Catharines.

I might mention here its pleasant situation, its com-
mercial advantages, the Welland Canal, its telegraphic
wires, its railroads, its famous mineral springs, and
other matters interesting to the tourist; but we will
step aside from these, and look at St. Catharines as the
peaceful home of hundreds of the colored race.

Of the population of about six thousand, it is esti-

2* -W)

18 the refugee; or a

mated that eight hundred are of African descent.
Nearly all the adult colored people have at some time
been slaves.

The name, too, of a distinguished, self-denying phi-
lanthropist comes into my mind with the recollection
of St. Catharines, the Rev. Hiram Wilson. With him
the refugee finds a welcome and a home ; the poor
stranger is pointed by him to the means of honorable
self-support, and from him receives wise counsel and
religious instruction. The lady of Mr. Wilson warmly
seconds his benevolent exertions. The wayfarer, how-
ever forlorn, degraded, or repulsive even, shares her hos-
pitality, and is refreshed by her words of kindness and
her cheerful smile.

I have seen the negro — the fugitive slave, wearied
with his thousand miles of travelling by night, without
suitable shelter meanwhile for rest by day, who had
trodden the roughest and most unfrequented ways,
fearing, with too much cause, an enemy in every human
being who had crossed his path ; I have seen such ar-
rive at Mr. Wilson's, bringing with him the subdued
look, the air of sufferance, the furtive glance bespeaking
dread, and deprecating punishment ; I have seen such
waited on by Mr. and Mrs. Wilson, fed and clothed,
and cheered, and cared for. Such ministrations give a
title to true greatness, a title recognized by Divine wis-
dom, and deriving its authority from revelation itself:
" Whosoever would be great among you, let him be
your minister."

The houses occupied by the colored people are neat
and plain without; tidy and comfortable within.
Through the kindness of Mr. Wilson and other friends,
I was enabled to visit many families, and was invari-
ably received with courtesy and kindness. Such nar-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. * 19

ratives and statements as I received in St. Catharines,
it is now my purpose to spread before the reader.

JAMES ADAMS.

I was raised in Virginia, about twenty miles above
the mouth of the Big Kanawha. At the age of seven-
teen, I set out to seek freedom in company with Benja-
min Harris, (who was a cousin of mine,) and a woman
and four children. 1 was young, and they hacl not
treated me very badly ; but I had seen older men treated
worse than a horse or a hog ought to be treated ; so,
seeing what I was coming to, I wished to get away.
My father being overseer, I was not used so badly as
some even younger than myself, who were kicked, cuffed,
and whipped very badly for little or nothing. We
started away at night, on the 12th of August, 1824.
After we had crossed the river, alarm was given, and
my father came down where we had crossed, and called
to me to come back. I had not told my intention to
either my father or mother. I made no answer at all,
but we walked three miles back from the river, where
we lay concealed in the woods four days. The nights
we passed at the house of a white friend ; a friend in-
deed. We set out on a Monday night, and on the night
following, seven more of my fellow-servants started on
the same race. They were overtaken on Wednesday
night, while they were in a house on the Ohio side.
One jumped from a window and broke his arm ; he
stayed in the woods some days, and Ihen he returned.
The other six, two women and four children, were car-
ried back, and the man we stopped with told us that

20 the refugee; or a

the two women were whipped to make them tell where
we were, so they could come upon us. They told their
master as near as they could. On Thursday five white
men came to the house where we had been concealed,
but we were then in the woods and mountains, three
miles from the friend's house. Every evening, between
three and four o'clock, he would come and bring us
food. We had nothing to give him — it was the hand
of Divine Providence made him do it. He and others
on the river see so much abuse of colored people that
they pity them, and so are ready to give them aid ; at
least it was so then. He told the white men he knew
nothing about us, and nothing of the kind. They
searched his premises, and then left, believing his story.
He came to us and said, "Boys, we are betrayed, they
are coming now round the hill after us." We picked
up our bundles and started on a run ; then he called us
back, and said he did it to try our spunk. He then told
us of those who were carried back, and of the searching
of his premises. We lodged in his barn that night.
On the morning of Friday, he took us twelve miles to
a place where the woman would have to leave her
children, because he could conceal her better without
them. He pointed out a house occupied by a family
of Methodists, where she could go and tell them she
was going back, and so leave her children there. But
when she reached the house the father and mother were
absent, so she went at a venture to another house. As
it was raining and dark, she was guided by a white boy,
a stout lad, and a girl with a lantern. At this house,
she slept on a pallet on the floor ; and when all else
were asleep, she put her baby, which she had all along
kept in her arms, into her oldest boy's care, crept to the
door and went out. We had bidden her good-by, not

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 21

expecting to see her. When the boy and girl had come
back from guiding her, I heard the boy say, " Now we
shall get fifty dollars for giving her up, and she '11 get a
good fleecing into the bargain." The man where we
had stopped intended to take her to his house after she
had got rid of her children, and when opportunity of-
fered, send her to Canada. We went to a fire which
we saw burning in a clearing, and Ben slept while I
kept watch. Presently the woman came towards us.
I heard the cracking of sticks as she came, and awoke
Ben. He raised a sort of tomahawk he had made,
intending to strike the person approaching, supposing it
was an enemy. Said she, "Oh Ben, don 't strike me,
it is I." This made me cry to think Ben was so near
killing the woman. Then she begged us not to leave
her until the man should come to find her. He not
coming so soon as we expected, we all steered back
the twelve miles through the woods. Towards night,
we heard his cow-bells ; we drove the cattle before us,
knowing that they would go home. Just as they had
guided us there, the man, who had also followed the
bells, came up. He told us that the children had been
carried back to their master. We supposed the boy
— guide — had betrayed them, but do not know. We
stayed in his barn all night, and left on Sunday morn-
ing, the woman remaining behind.

At about noon, we were near a village. He pointed
out a haystack, where we were to rendezvous at night,
to meet another man whom our friend was to send to
take us further along on our way. At night we went
to the haystack ; a road ran by it. Instead of keeping
watch by the stack, we were so jaded that we crossed
the road and lay down to rest on the bare ground, where
we fell asleep. The man, as we afterwards learned

'22 the refugee; or a

from him, came as agreed upon, whistled and made
signals, but failed to wake us up. Thinking we had
been pursued away, he went back without us. The
next morning, when we awoke, the sun was rising red,
right on the public road. We saw a man at his door
some two hundred yards from us. I went to ask him
how the roads ran ; Harris told me to inquire the way
to Carr's Run, near home, so we would, go the contrary.
By the time I got back, Ben, wdio had watched, saw
the man leave his house with his gun, and take a circle
round to come down on us ; but before he could head
us, we were past him in the road running. We ran
and walked about four miles barefoot ; then we took
courage to put on our shoes, which we had not dared
stop long enough to do before, for fear the man with
the gun would get ahead of us.

We were now on the top of a high hill. On our
right was a path leading into the woods. In this path
we descended, and after walking a few minutes, we ar-
rived at a house by the main road. We went in to
ask for a drink of buttermilk. Only the woman of the
house was at home. Said she, " Boys, you are the very
ones my husband wras looking for last night." We de-
nied it, being right on the road, and afraid. She insist-
ed, " for," said she, " the man who came to tell my hus-
band, said there was a big one and a little one." I was
the little one. She gave us crackers, cheese, and on-
ions. Against her advice, we left the house and moved
on. Presently we came to a toll-gate, about which
there were standing several white men. We walked
up boldly to the gate; one of the men then asked us,
" Where are you going ? " Ben answered, " We are
going to Chillicothe to see our friends there." Then he
made answer and said, " You can 't go any further, you

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 23

must go back with me, you are the very boys I was
looking for last night." We told him we wanted to go
on, but he said, " There are so many buckskin Yankees
in these parts that you will be taken before you get
half through the town." We then went back to his
house, but we did not stop more than ten minutes, be-
cause it would be dangerous for him as well as for us
if we were caught on his premises. He stuck up a
pole close to his house and tied a white cloth on it ;
then he led us up to the top of the hill (this was Mon-
day, quite early in the morning), and showed us a
rough place of bushes and rocks where we could lie
concealed quite pleasantly, and so high up that we
could see the main road, and the toll-gate, and the house,
and the white flag. Said he, " If there 's any danger,
I ?11 send a child out to throw down the white flag ; and
if you get scared away from here, come back at night
and I '11 protect you." Soon after he left us, we saw
five white men come to his house on horseback ; they
were the five who had carried back the others that tried
to escape. Two of them went into the house ; then we
saw a little girl come out and climb up on the fence,
as if she were playing about, and she knocked down
the flag-pole, — which meant that we were to look out
for ourselves. But we did not feel that there was any
immediate danger, and so we kept close under cover.
Pretty soon the two came out of the house, and they all
rode forward very fast, passed the toll-gate, and were
soon out of sight. I suppose they thought to overtake
us every minute, but luckily I have never seen them
since. In the evening the man came and conducted us
to his house, where we found the men we had seen at
the toll-gate in the morning. They were mostly armed
with pistols and guns. They guided us to a solitary

24 the eefugee; oh a

house three miles back among the mountains, in the
neighborhood of which we remained three days. We
were told to go up on the mountain very high, where
was an Indian cave in the rocks. From this cave we
could look a great distance around and see people, and
we felt afraid they would see us. So instead of stay-
ing there, we went down the mountain to a creek where
trees had been cut down and branches thrown over the
bank ; we went under the branches and bushes where
the sand was dry, and there we would sit all day. We
all the time talked to each other about how we would
get away, and what we should do if the white folks
tackled us ; that was all our discourse.

We stayed there until Friday, when our friends gave
us knapsacks full of cakes and dried venison, and a little
bundle of provision besides, and flints and steel, and
spunk, and a pocket-compass to travel through the woods
by. We knew the north-star, but did not travel nights
for nearly a week. So on Friday morning we set out,
the men all bidding us good-by, and the man of the
nag-staff went with us half a day to teach us the use of
the compass ; wTe had never seen one before. Once in
a while he would put it on a log to show us how to
travel by it. When he was leaving us, he took his knife
and marked on the compass, so that we should steer a
little west of north.

During the six days succeeding, we traversed an un-
broken wilderness of hills and mountains, seeing neither
man nor habitation. At night we made a fire to sit by.
We saw deer on our way ; we were not annoyed by
wild animals, and saw but one snake, a garter-snake.
The first sign of man we met with was a newly-made
road ; this was on the seventh day from the time we
left the house in the mountains. Our provisions held

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 25

out well, and we had found water enough. After
crossing the road, we came out from the mountains to
a level cleared place of farms and houses. Then we
were afraid, and put ourselves on our guard, resolving
to travel by night. We laid by until starlight, then we
made for a road leading to the north. We would fol-
low a road until it bent away from the north ; then we
would leave it and go by the compass. This caused
us to meet many rivers and streams where there were
no bridges ; some we could wade over, and some we
crossed by swimming. After reaching the clearings, we
scarcely dared build a fire. Once or twice we took
some green corn from the fields, and made a brush fire
to roast it. After lighting the fire, we would retire
from it, as far almost as we could see it, and then watch
whether anybody might come to it. When the fire
had gone out, the corn would, be about done.

Our feet were now sore with long travelling. One
night we came to a river ; it was rather foggy, but I
could see a ferry-scow on the other side. I was afraid
of alligators, but I swam over, and poled the scow back
and ferried Ben across, — his ancle was so sore, that he
did not like to put his foot in the water if he could help
it. We soon reached an old stable in the edge of a
little town ; we entered .it and slept alternately one
keeping watch, as we always managed while in the
neighborhood of settlements. We did not do this in
the wilderness, — there we slept safely, and were quite
reconciled. At cock-crowing in the morning we set out
and went into the woods, which were very near ; there
we stayed through the day.

At night we started on and presently came into a
road running north-west. Coming to a vine patch we
filled our knapsacks with cucumbers ; we then met a

3

26 THE KEFUGEE ; OK A

white man, who asked us, " "Which way are you trav-
elling ? " My cousin told him " To Cleveland, to help
a man drive a drove of cattle." He then said, " I know
you must be runaways, — but you needn't be afraid of
me, — I don't want to hurt you." He then told us
something that we knew before — -that the last spring
five fugitives were overtaken at his house by my master
and two other men ; that the fugitives took through his
wheat-field, — one of them, a little fellow, could not
run so fast as the rest, and master called to him to stop,
or he 'd shoot him. His answer was, " shoot and be
d — d ! " The man further told us, that he took through
the wheat-field as if he would assist in catching the
slaves, but that when he got near enough, he told them
to " push on I " Ben and I knew about the pursuit,
and what the little fellow had said ; for it got round
among the servants, after master got back. That little
fellow's widow is now my wife. We went to the man's
house, and partook of a good luncheon. He told us to
hurry, and try to get through Newark before daylight.
We hurried accordingly, but it was daybreak when we
crossed the bridge. We found the little toll-gate open
and we went through — there were lights in a tavern
window at the left of the gate, and the windows had
no curtains. Just as we were stepping off the bridge,
a plank rattled, — then up started after us a little black
dog, making a great noise. We walked smartly along,

but did not run until we came to a street leading to the

&

right, — then we ran fast until we came to a left hand
turn, which led to the main road at the other side of
the town. Before sunrise, we hid in a thicket of briars,
close by the road, where we lay all day, seeing the
teams, and every thing that passed by.

At dark we went on again, passed through Mount

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 27

Vernon in the night, and kept on until daylight. Again
we halted in concealment until night, then we went on
again through Wooster. After leaving Wooster, we
saw no more settlements, except one little village, which
we passed through in broad day. We entered a store
here, but were asked no questions. Here we learned
the way to Cleveland. In the middle of the afternoon
we stopped for a little rest. Just before night we
moved forward again and travelled all night. We then
stopped to rest until four in the afternoon, meanwhile
roasting some corn as before. At about four, we met
a preacher, who was just come from Cleveland. He
asked us if we were making our escape, — we told him
" No." He said, " You need not be afraid of me, — I
am the friend of all who travel from the South to the
North." He told us not to go into Cleveland, 'as we
would be taken up. He then described a house which
was on our way, where, he said, we might mention our
meeting him, and we would find friends who would
put us on board a boat. We hid until dark, — then we
went to the house, which we recognized readily from
the preacher's description. We knocked at the door,
and were invited in. My cousin told them what the
minister had said. The man of the house hid us in
his barn two nights and three days. He was a shoe-
maker. The next night after we got there, he went to
Cleveland himself to get a berth for us aboard some
boat for Canada. When he returned, he said he had
found a passage for us with Capt. B., who was to sail
the next Thursday at 10, p. m. At that hour we em-
barked, having a free passage in a schooner for Buffalo.
On board this boat, we met with an Englishman whom
we had often seen on a steamboat at the plantation.
He knew us, and told us a reward of one hundred dollars

28 THE REFUGEE ', OR A

was offered for each of us, and he showed us several
handbills to that effect. He said they had been given
him to put up along the road, but he had preferred to
keep them in his pocket. Capt. B. took away our
knives and Ben's tomahawk, for fear of mischief.

We reached Buffalo at 4, p. M. The captain said,
that if there was any danger in the town, he would
take us in his yawl and put us across. He walked
through the town to see if there were any bills up.
Finding no danger, he took us out of the hatchway, —
he walked with us as far as Black Rock Ferry, giving
us good advice all the way, how we should conduct
ourselves through life in Canada, and we have never
departed from his directions, — his counsel was good,
and I have kept it.

I am now buying this place. My family are with
me, — we live well, and enjoy ourselves. I worship in
the Methodist church. What religious instruction I
received on plantation, was from my mother.

I look upon slavery as the most disgusting system a
man can live under. I would not be a slave again,
except that I could not put an end to my own existence,
through fear of the punishment of the future.

Men who have never seen or felt slavery cannot
realize it for the thing it is. If those who say that
fugitives had better go back, were to go to the South
and see slavery, they would never wish any slave to go
back,

I have seen separations by sales, of husbands from
wives, of parents from children, — if a man threatens
to run away, he is sure to be sold. Ben's mother was
sold down South — to New Orleans — when he was
about twenty years old.

I arrived in Canada on the 13th September, 1824.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 29

WILLIAM JOHNSON.

I look upon slavery as I do upon a deadly poison.
The slaves are not contented nor happy in their lot.
Neither on the farm where I was in Virginia, nor in the
neighborhood were the slaves satisfied. The man I
belonged to did not give us enough to eat. My feet
were frostbitten on my way North, but I would rather
have died on the way than. to go back.

It would not do to stop at all about our work, — if
the people should try to get a little rest, there would be
a cracking spell amongst them. I have had to go
through a great deal of affliction ; I have been com-
pelled to work when I was sick. I used to have rheu-
matism, and could not always do so much work as
those* who were well, — then I would sometimes be
whipped. I have never seen a runaway that wanted to
go back, — I have never heard of one.

I knew a very smart young man — he was a fellow-
servant of mine, who had recently professed religion —
who was tied up by a quick-tempered overseer, and
whipped terribly. He died not long after, and the peo-
ple there believed it was because of the whipping. Some
of the slaves told the owner, but he did not discharge
the overseer. He will have to meet it at the day of
judgment.

I had grown up quite large, before I thought any
thing about liberty. The fear of being sold South had
more influence in inducing me to leave than any other
thing. Master used to say, that if we didn't suit him,
he would put us in his pocket quick — meaning he
would sell us. He never gave me a great coat in his
life, — he said he knew he ought to do it, but that he

3*

30 the refugee; or a

couldn't get ahead far enough. His son had a child by
a colored woman, and he would have sold it — his own
grandchild — if the other folks had n't opposed it.

I have found good friends in Canada, but have been
able to do no work on account of my frozen feet, — I
lost two toes from my right foot. My determination is
to go to work as soon as I am able. I have been about
among the colored people in St. Catharines consider-
ably, and have found them industrious and frugal. No
person has offered me any liquor since I have been
here : I have seen no colored person use it. I have
been trying to learn to read since I came here, and I
know a great many fugitives who are trying to learn.

HARRIET TUBMAN.

I grew up like a neglected weed, — ignorant of lib-
erty, having no experience of it. Then I was not happy
or contented : every time I saw a white man I was
afraid of being carried away. I had two sisters carried
away in a chain-gang, — one of them left two children.
We were always uneasy. Now I've been free, I know
what a dreadful condition slavery is. I have seen hun-
dreds of escaped slaves, but I never saw one who was
willing to go back and be a slave. I have no oppor-
tunity to see my friends in my native land. We would
rather stay in our native land, if we could be as free
there as we are here. I think slavery is the next thing
to hell. If a person would send another into bondage,
he would, it appears to me, be bad enough to send him
into hell, if he could.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 31

MRS.

[The lady who gave the following narrative wished to withhold her
name, for private reasons. She is well known at St. Catharines as a
very intelligent and respectable person.]

I was held as a slave in , without even legal

right according to the slave laws. When I was ten
years old, a young man was punishing me — I resisted :
I was in consequence called " a rebellious wretch," and
put out of the family. At the place where I was hired,
it happened on communion Sunday in March, that the
dogs got hold of a pig, and bit a piece off its ear. In
consequence of this misfortune to the pig, a boy of
sixteen years, or thereabouts, was whipped in the barn ;
and a man-slave was tied up to a tree, with his arms
extended, and whipped. I was peeping and saw the
man whipped. The blood ran as they whipped him.
His wife had to take care of him and dress his wounds.
It affected me so that I cried and said I would n't stay
at the place, — then the same man — the man of the
house — whipped me. At twelve o'clock that night, I
ran away to my owners. He came to the folks where
I was, and requested them to send me back, lest the
others should follow my example. I went back and
stayed two weeks, — when I had got within a mile of
home, my master got on his horse, and trotted along
behind me, to let folks see that he had got the runaway.

After my escape from slavery, I married a free colored
man. We were comfortably settled in the States, and
were broken up by the fugitive slave law, — compelled
to leave our home and friends, and to go at later than
middle life into a foreign country among strangers.

I look upon slavery as the worst evil that ever was.

32 the refugee; or a

My life has been taken from me in a measure by it. If
any are disposed to apologize for slavery, it would be
well for them to try it awhile.

REV. ALEXANDER HEMSLEY.

[The famous decision of Judge Hornblower, of New Jersey, some
years ago, in a case of a fugitive, will doubtless be recollected by many
readers. The narrative subjoined was given by the individual more
immediately interested in that decision. Mr. Hemsley is confined to
his bed a great part of the time by dropsy. He is a very intelligent
man, and his face wears, notwithstanding his many trials and his sick-
ness, a remarkable expression of cheerfulness and good-will. His
dwelling is clean and nice, and he is well nursed and cared for by
Mrs. Hemsley, a sensible, painstaking woman, the very impersonation
of neatness. As it does not appear in the narrative, it may properly
be stated here, that Mr. Hemsley has lost two children by death, since
his removal to St. Catharines ; their sickness, alluded to in the narra-
tive, extending through three consecutive years. If any capitalist is
looking about him for an opportunity to invest, I think he might prof-
itably employ two hundred dollars in lifting the mortgage from Hems-
ley's house and garden. Rev. Hiram Wilson of St. C. who has
managed to keep himself free from the care of riches, by giving to
the needy, as fast as he earned it, every thing which he might have
called his own, will be happy, without doubt, to attend to the business
without fee or commission. Apropos, of Mr. Wilson, — we know
" there is that scattereth, and yet increaseth." But in Mr. W.'s case,
it requires but little financial skill to perceive, that while " scattering "
to relieve the sick and suffering, — the fugitive and the oppressed, —
to an extent sometimes fully up to the means in his hands, any " in-
crease" must come from those who may feel disposed to let their
means assist his abundant opportunities of benevolent action. But to
the narrative.]

I was in bondage in Queen Anne County, Maryland,
from birth until twenty-three years of age. My name
in slavery was Nathan Mead. My master was a pro-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 33

fessor of religion, and used to instruct me in a hypo-
critical way in the duties of religion. I used to go to
church on Sunday to hear him talk, and experience the
contrary on Monday. On the Sabbath he used to cate-
chize us, and tell us if we were good honest boys, and
obedient to our master, we should enjoy the life that
now is, and that which is to come.

My idea of freedom during my youth was, that it
was a state of liberty for the mind, — that there was a
freedom of thought, which I could not enjoy unless I
were free, — that is, if I thought of any thing beneficial
for me, I should have liberty to execute it. My escape
was not owing to any sudden impulse or fear of pres-
ent punishment, but from a natural wish to be free:
and had it not been for near and dear friends, I should
not have remained in slavery so long. I had an uncle
who was a preacher. He had a good many boys. I
confided to him that I wanted to leave, and would like
to have his boys accompany me. He said he would
not dare to tell his boys, for if we were to undertake it,
and get caught, it would ruin us all. The fear of being
caught was then, I think, a greater restraint than it is
now. Now there is a different spirit in the slaves, and
if they undertake to escape, it is with a feeling of vic-
tory or death, — they determine not to be taken alive,
if possible to prevent it even by bloodshed.

I was accustomed to leave home every Saturday
night to visit friends seven miles inland, and to return
on Sunday night. One Sunday night when I had got
back from my visit, I took leave of my friends, they
not knowing what I intended, as I had often told them
on the Saturday nights, in the same way, that I never
expected to see them again. After I bade them fare-
well, I started for New Jersey, where, I had been told,

34 THE REFUGES J OR A

people were free, and nobody would disturb me. I
went six miles, and then ambushed. On Monday night,
I went thirty-three miles, and found a good old Quaker
— one [we omit the name, but it will be published one
day] — with whom I stayed three weeks. At the expi-
ration of which time, I went to Philadelphia. I made
no tarry there, but went straight over into New Jersey.
After a stay of two months at Cooper's Creek, I went
to Evesham, where I resided eight or nine years, being
hired and getting my money. No one disturbed me
all this time. I heard that I had been pursued by the
son of my master, but that not hearing from me he
went back. I then received favorable offers to go to
Northampton, and I removed there, taking with me my
wife whom I had married at Evesham, and my three
children. At Northampton I remained unmolested un-
til October, 1836. Then some four or five southerners,
neither of whom had any legal claim upon me, having
found out that I had escaped from bondage, went to
the executor of my old master's estate (my master hav-
ing been dead six or seven years) and bought me run-
ning, - — that is, they paid some small sum for a title to
me, so as to make a spec, out of poor me. To make
sure of the matter, they came about my house, pretend-
ing to be gunning, — meanwhile looking after my chil-
dren, and appraising their value in case they could get
them. This I know, for they promised a lawyer my
oldest son, if he would gain the case.* They hung
round my house from Wednesday to Saturday morn-
ing, when, while it was yet dark, they surrounded my

* Mrs. II. was from Caroline Co., Md. Her parents were made
free "by word of mouth," — but as her mother had no free papers, —
it was feared that the daughter might be enslaved. She was enabled
to avoid the danger by emigration.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 35

house. It was ray usual way to open the door, put
my shoes on, and go off to work. Just as I opened the
door that morning, an officer of the town followed the
door right in, put his hand on me, and said, " You are
my prisoner ! " I asked him " what he meant by that? "
He said he had received a writ to bring me before the
court of common pleas. I told him " I have no master,
but I will go with you." I sat down to put on my
shoes, — then the five southerners flung themselves upon
me and put me in irons. Then one of them pretended
to be a great friend to me. " Now," said he, " if you
have any friends, tell me who they are, and I '11 go for
them." I showed him the house where my employer
lived, and told him to step up there, and ask him to
come to me immediately. He came, and commenced
reproving the constable for being in so low business as
to be arresting slaves for , slave-hunters. "Poor busi-
ness ! " said he. I told him I was afraid they were
going to smuggle me off, without taking me before the
judge. The constable then, at his request, pledged his
honor, to take me safe to the court at Mount Holly.
They put me in a carriage, handcuffed, between two
armed men of the party. One of these had been a boy
with whom I had played in my young days in Mary-
land. He was there to swear to my identity. On the
way, he tried to " soft soap " me, so as to get some evi-
dence to convict me, when we got before the judge.
But I made strange of him and of every thing he said,
— I wouldn't know him nor any of his blarney. At
Mount Holly, the judge told me, that it was alleged
that I had escaped from the service of Mr. Isaac Baggs
of Maryland, — and that, if that were proved I might
be sure that I would be sent back. The judge being a
Virginia born man, brought up in New Jersey, was

36 the refugee; oh a

found, like the handle of a jug, all on one side, and that
side against me. The friends employed counsel for me,
and by the efforts of my counsel, the trial was put off
to Monday. On Monday, the case was called, and the
other side had an adjournment of a week, in order to
get an additional witness. I was imprisoned during
the week, A brother of the former witness was then
brought forward — one whom I had known when a
boy. The two brothers, who were both mean fellows,
as they appeared against me to get money, swore to
my identity, and that they knew me to have been the
slave of Isaac Baggs. My counsel were David Paul
Brown, John R. Slack, George Campbell, and Elias B.
Cannon. The trial was not concluded until the lapse
of three weeks. Then the judge decided, that my wife
was a free-woman and might remain with her children,
— " but as for you, Alexander or Nathan, the case is
clear that you were the slave of Isaac Baggs, and you
must go back."

Then Mr. John R. Slack went up to the judge, and
laid the writ of habeas corpus before him. The judge
looked it over in quick time — his color came and went
tremendously. He answered in a low tone of voice,
" I think you might have told me that you had that
before." The lawyer answered, " "We thought it would
be time enough, after seeing how far your Honor would
go." A good old friend — one Thomas Shipleigh —
had ridden forty miles to get that writ. On the next
day the sheriff took me before Judge Hornblower ; two
of my counsel went also, and one of the other party.
My oppressor planned to take me out of New Jersey on
the route, as if we left the State, Judge Heywood's
certificate would take effect. Our party, however,
were wide awake, and kept within N. J., but they pre-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 37

pared bull-dogs (pistols) in case any attempt were made
at carrying me off. When we arrived at the court, Mr.
Brain ard Clark, my claimant's lawyer, in the course of
his argument, stated what great expense the claimants
had been to for jail fees, &c, " even seventy dollars."
Judge H. answered, " If it had been seven times
seventy, it would create no sympathy in me for them, — -
we can't expect to pass away human liberty for a mere
trifle," — or words to that effect. It was concluded that
I should be given into the custody of the sheriff until
February term, — then to be brought before the su-
preme court at Trenton.

I remained in jail until the February term, about
three months, as comfortable as a man could be, im-
prisoned, and with the awful doom of slavery hanging
over his head. The case was then taken up by Hon.
Theodore Frelinghuysen. The other side could not
meet Frelinghuysen's argument. In about three weeks
the court declared me a free man. I was then let out
of jail ; but as I had become so well known, my friends
were afraid that my claimants would waylay and smug-
gle me, and thought I had better leave for the North,
which I did. I travelled some two hundred miles, most
of the way on foot into Otsego county, N. Y., wh^re I
gave out through fatigue. I was sick when I got there.
Here I was joined by my wife and children. I re-
mained here until navigation opened, — we were forty
miles from the canal at Utica. Then, from visions of
the night, I concluded that I was on dangerous ground,
and I removed with my family to Farmington. Years
before I had had visions of the road I was to travel,
and if I had obeyed the visions, the trouble would not
have occurred. I had dreamed of being pursued, and
that they had caught me, and so it turned out. From

4

38 the refugee; or a

Farmington, I went on directly to Rochester, where
I remained but one night. My health was good,
with the exception of my eyes, which were dim of sight
and inflamed, owing to the change from imprisonment
to exposure to pelting storms of rain and snow. I felt
that my persecutors who brought this trouble on me
were actuated by a demonlike principle. We em-
barked from Rochester, on board a British boat, The
Traveller, for Toronto.

When I reached English territory, I had a comfort in
the law, — that my shackles were struck off, and that a
man was a man by law. I had been in comfortable
circumstances, but all my little property was leaved
away. I was among strangers, poverty-stricken, and in
a cold country. I had been used to farming, and so
could not find in the city such assistance as I needed :
in a few days, I left for St. Catharines, where I have
ever since remained.

My master did not use to do much at buying and
selling, but there was a great deal of it in his neighbor-
hood. The unwillingness to separate of husbands and
wives, parents and children was so great, that to part
them seemed to me a sin higher than the heavens, — it
was dreadful to hear their outcries, as they were forced
into the wagons of the drivers. Some among them
have their minds so brutalized by the action of slavery,
that they do not feel so acutely as others, the pangs of
separation. But there are many who feel a separation
from their offspring as acutely as human beings can
possibly feel.

Masters sometimes show respect toward some par-
ticular persons among their slaves. I was never an eye-
witness to a punishment where a man seemed to inflict
it in any spirit of kindness or mercy. I have heard of a

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 39

merciful disposition at such times, but never witnessed
it : as a general thing they would manifest malignant,
tyrannical feelings. I have seen a woman who was in
state of pregnancy, tied up and punished with a keen
raw hide.

Contrasting my condition here with what it was in
New Jersey, I say, that for years after I came here, my
mind was continually reverting to my native land. For
some ten years, I was in hopes that something might
happen, whereby I might safely return to my old home
in New Jersey. I watched the newspapers and they
told the story. I found that there would be a risk in
going back, — and that was confirmed by many of my
fellow men falling into the same catastrophe that I
did, — and the same things happen now.

When I reached St. Catharines I was enfeebled in
health. I had come to a small inferior place ; there
were pines growing all about here where you now see
brick houses. I rented a house, and with another man
took five acres of cleared land, and got along with it
very well. We did not get enough from this to sup-
port us; but I got work at half a dollar or seventy-five
cents a day and board myself. We were then making
both ends meet. I then made up my mind that salt
and potatoes in Canada, were better than pound-cake
and chickens in a state of suspense and anxiety in the
United States. Now I am a regular Britisher. My
American blood has been scourged out of me ; I have
lost my American tastes; I am an enemy to tyranny.
I would as lief meet serpents as some people I know of
in the States. If I were to meet them, my fighting pro-
pensities would come up. To meet one here, I would
not mind it ; there I would be afraid of the ghost of a
white man after he was dead. I am no scholar, but if

40 the refugee; or a

some one would refine it, I could give a history of
slavery, and show how tyranny operates upon the mind
of the slaves. I have dreamed of being back on my
master's farm, and of dodging away from my master ;
he endeavoring to get between me and the land I was
aiming for. Then I would awake in a complete per-
spiration, and troubled in mind. Oh, it was awful !
When you go back home, remember poor Joseph in
Egypt.

I am now about sixty years of age, and have been
lying sick about nine months. I have here a house and
a quarter acre of land. I have had a deal of sickness
in my family, and it has kept me comparatively poor:
it would take two hundred dollars to clear my estate
from incumbrances. Had it not been for sickness, it
would have been paid for long ago.

I have served the people in the provinces as a minis-
ter in the Methodist persuasion for some twenty years.
My pay has been little, for our people all start poor,
and have to struggle to support themselves. My mind
has ever been to trust the Lord. I have never prayed
for wealth nor honor, but only to guide his church and
do his will.

JOHN SEWARD.

The man that owned me, was not fit to own a dog.
I had been wanting to get away for the last twenty
years. I grieved over my condition, and groaned over
it. A few months ago I succeeded in escaping. After
I got among abolitionists, I was almost scared ; they
used me so well, I was afraid of a trick. I had been

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 41

used so ill before, that I did not know what to make of
it to be used decently.

JAMES SEWARD,

BROTHER OF THE FOREGOING.

Where I came from, it would make your flesh creep,
and your hair stand on end, to know what they do to
the slaves.

I had a niece, who was married and had two chil-
dren ; one at her breast. The estate being in debt, I
was imprisoned. Before I went to jail, my niece was
hired out ; then her owner concluded to sell her. She
was taken away from her children, handcuffed, and put
into the jail where I was. Her irons were taken off;
she was in great grief, crying all the time, " Oh, my
children ! my poor children ! " till it appeared to me,
she would kill herself for grief. She was sold and car-
ried away, leaving her children behind. I have been in
Canada but a short time.

MRS. JAMES SEWARD.

The slaves want to get away bad enough. They are
not contented with their situation.

I am from the eastern shore of Maryland. I never
belonged but to one master ; he was very bad indeed.
I was never sent to school, nor allowed to go to church.
They were afraid we would have more sense than they.
I have a father there, three sisters, and a brother. My

4*

42 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

father is quite an old man, and he is used very badly.
Many a time he has been kept at work a whole long
summer day without sufficient food. A sister of mine
has been punished by his taking away her clothes and
locking them up, because she used to run when master
whipped her. He kept her at work with only what she
could pick up to tie on her for decency. He took
away her child which had just begun to walk, and gave
it to another woman, — but she went and got it after-
ward. He had a large farm eight miles from home.
Four servants were kept at the house. My master
could not manage to whip my sister when she was
strong. He waited until she was confined, and the
second week after her confinement he said, " Now I
can handle you, now you are weak." She ran from
him, however, and had to go through water, and was
sick in consequence.

I was beaten at one time over the head by my mas-
ter, until the blood ran from my mouth and nose : then
he tied me up in the garret, with my hands over my
head, — then he brought me down and put me in a lit-
tle cupboard, where I had to sit cramped up, part of the
evening, all night, and until between four and five
o'clock, next day, without any food. The cupboard
was near a fire, and I thought I should suffocate.

My brother was whipped on one occasion until his
back was as raw as a piece of beef, and before it got
well, master whipped him again. His back was* an
awful sight.

We were all afraid of master : when I saw him com-
ing, my heart would jump up into my mouth, as if I
had seen a serpent.

I have been wanting to come away for eight years
back. I waited for Jim Seward to get ready. Jim had

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 43

promised to take me away and marry me. Our master
would allow no marriages on the farm. When Jim
had got ready, he let me know, — he brought to me
two suits of clothes — men's clothes — which he had
bought on purpose for me. I put on both suits to keep
me warm. We eluded pursuit and reached Canada in
safety.

MR. BOHM.

I escaped from slavery in Norfolk, Va.

I think that the institution of slavery is of no utility
whatever to the colored race. Slavery is the worst kind
of robbery.

JAMES M. WILLIAMS.

I came from bondage in Norfolk, Va. Slavery is hor-
rible ! horrible ! horrible !

JOHN ATKINSON.

•

I escaped from Norfolk, Va. A man who has been
in slavery knows, and no one else can know, the yearn-
ings to be free, and the fear of making the attempt. It
is like trying to get religion, and not seeing the way to
escape condemnation.

44 THE KEFUGEE J OR A

MRS. ELLIS.

It is more than a year ago, that I left slavery in Del-
aware, having been thirty-two years a slave. I was
treated tolerably well, compared with others. I was
brought up in ignorance. I felt put down — oppressed
in spirit. I did a great deal of heavy out-door work, —
such as driving team, hauling manure, etc. I have been
whipped with a wagon whip and with hickories, —
have been kicked and hit with fists. I have a bunch
on my head from a blow my master gave me, and I
shall carry it to my grave. I have had four children —
two died there, and two I brought with me.

I thought I had paid my master for raising me, and
I wanted some time of my own : and when he threat-
ened to sell me, and keep my children, I left him. I
got off without much trouble. I suffered a great deal
from wet and cold, on the first part of the way — after-
wards, I was helped on by kind white men.

Rents and provisions are dear here, and it takes all I
can earn to support myself and children. I could have
one of my children well brought up and taken care of,
by some friends in Massachusetts, which would much
relieve me, — but I cannot have my child go there on
account of the laws, which would not protect her. This
is a hardship : but had I to struggle much harder than
at present, I would prefer it to being a slave. Nov?, I
can lie down at night in peace, — there I had no peace
even at night, on account of my master's conduct.

Slavery is a wicked institution. I think if the whites
were to free the slaves, they would incur no danger. I
think the colored people would go to work without any
trouble.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 45

DAN JOSIAH LOCKHART.

I belonged in Frederick county, Va. I was sold at
five years of age ; and when I first saw my mother to
know her, I had a wife and child. My business was to
clean knives, forks, candlesticks, etc., until my mistress
died, say when I was twelve or thirteen. My master
remained a widower some time — say eighteen months,
— when he married the daughter of a farmer, upon
which he quit merchandise, and went on a small farm.
The hands in a rainy day worked in the shop with
tools. I was made overseer. The management was
pretty much left to me. I would carry my gun down
into a hollow, and have a book, — the children had taught
me to read. Every thing worked pretty comfortably
with me.

One of the women called me a liar. I punished her.
My master took me to the granary to whip me, — he
told me to take off my coat. Said I, " master, whip
me with my coat on ! " I prayed hard for him to whip
me with my coat on. He did finally whip me with my
coat on, and slightly at that. He was an Irishman.
He said he would whip me till I was as striped as a
zaybra.

I was harder on the servants than he wanted I should
be. At another time he undertook to whip me, and I
told him I would leave him if he did. I had rny mind
on my wife, Maria. She was sold to a man in Win-
chester, eight miles. This was too far, — so I wanted

to be sold. He said if he sold me, he would sell me
where I would never see her. At this time I was study-
ing divinity, having met with a change of heart. I took
my books and started oft" in daytime. I went on five

46 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

miles, — then I met Mr. , who asked me where I

was going. I told him I was sold. He persuaded me

back. I was thinking of trying to be free. Mr.

said he would buy me. I told him, " I will do the best
I can for you." He slapped his hand on his pocket and
said, " I 've got the money in my pocket for you." He
then rode forward to see my master. The bargain was
made there, and money paid to — — , a Methodist

preacher. Mr. took me, anil southern traders who

came for me were too late. I lived with my new mas-
ter three years and two months. Then he whipped
my wife and children, — (I had now ten children by
Maria). I could not stand this abuse of them, and so
I made up my mind to leave. I told my wife so. She
said she was afraid they would catch me and bring me
back and — you know what then.

It was in the year 1847, that I made my escape.
My master had gone to Philadelphia. I told my mis-
tress that my father was sick, and she gave me permis-
sion to go and see him. Between two and three o'clock
next morning, Sunday, I got up and dressed myself to
leave. One of my little children came to me when I
had stepped out. Said I, "Jane, where are you go-
ing ? " " Daddy, I 'm looking for you." My feelings
were very tender at the time. I took her up in my
arms, and carried her and laid her back in the bed with
her mother and the other little child, Julia. I sat down
and waited till they were all asleep ; I then got up,
looked at the mother and the two little children, — said
" Farewell ! " and started on my journey.

The night previous I had got some meat and bread,
and had taken my master's saddle-bags, cramming both
ends full of provisions. By daybreak I was out of the
neighborhood of the folks that knew me

2ST0KTH-STDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 47

When I reached the Potomac River, the ferry-boat
had left the shore for the last time. I sung out " Ferry,
ahoy ! " They put about and came for me. I got in
and seated myself with a colored man and a white
man. I inquired the damage for crossing ? Ferryman
said " Fippenny bit." I gave him a ten cent piece, and
told him may be I 'd be passing again, and he could
make it right next time. The colored man asked me,
"Are you a free man%" It staggered me at first to
think that a colored man should ask me that question.
The white man reproved him. " What the d — 1 do
you ask that question for ? do you think a man dressed
like him can be a runaway ? " I got across safely.
.... [Some highly interesting portions of Lockhart's
narrative are omitted from prudential considerations.]

I got employment in Pittsburg, but my mind being
uneasy, I wrote to a friend to tell my wife that I was
there, and assuring her of my continued affection. My
old master got hold of this letter, and so pursued me

with two officers, K and J , with a bill of sale

specifying the sum paid for me. They secured them-
selves in Crawson's Hotel, Pittsburg, — set their trap,
baited their hook, put out a reward of one hundred and
fifty dollars for my arrest. One very smart gentleman
came down to Diamond Square, — I was there looking
at a busy knife-grinder with a crowd around him : the
smart gentleman, knowing by the description who I
was, selected me from the crowd, under the pretence
that he wished me to carry a trunk — told me he would
give me a quarter of a dollar for it. I went to the place
where he directed me, expecting to find the trunk, —
went to the Monongahela House, — he conducted me
up stairs : going down the hall, to a lady, sweeping, he
says ; " Where is the IGOth room ? " " Yes, that mid-

48 the refugee; or a

die door." "Sure enough," said he, — then to me,
" Open the door, and bring out my trunk." However,
he opened the door, — when lo! up jumped the old
man ! He gave me a pat on the shoulder, — " Hallo,
Dan ! don 't you want to go back and see your wife
and children ? " I said nothing, — I could n't say any
thing. Then came up K. and J. to me, — " Dan, you 've
got the best master in Virginia, — come, go back with
me." The old man then left thg room and went away.
I began to feel like speaking — had a watch in my
pocket, — I put my hand to it, to see if it was safe, and
K. said, " Dan, you need n't do that, — we knew you 'd
fight, but we 've come prepared to take you — don 't
want to hurt you." This was on a Friday, between
eleven and twelve o'clock, A. M. Said I, " Gentlemen,"
— this was the first time I had spoken, and I called no
name, — "let me go; you have no business with me
here." This was all out in the hall ; they had irons in
the room, but they could n't get me in there. We
were now engaged very smartly for a time, each man
for himself. The noise reached the people in the house,
and some of the servants came up to see what was the
trouble ; I called them, — " Come to me ; " some of them
were colored, but being alarmed, they did not interfere.

I spoke out, — " You go to John , and tell him that

I am in trouble here ; that I am in kidnappers' hands."
In a short time, the landlord came up stairs. Says he
to the officers, " This man has got to go down, or there '11
be bloodshed here, — it will ruin my house to have the
word go abroad that there are kidnappers here." By

this time John , Peter , Had ley , and old

Uncle Sammy , had marshalled a troop ; they came

and surrounded Crawson's Hotel, started in, and came
up the stairs. I was hollowing " murder ! " and " fire ! "

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 49

being in the hands of K. and J» I said to the colored
men, — " I thought I had friends in Pittsburg." They
answered, — " Mr. Lockhart, you have friends, — we
did not know you were here until just now." John

and Peter — - — took hold of me, and told K ■

to let go. He answered, — " You let go — if you don't
I '11 shoot you." Peter said, -*- " Shoot, and make a
sure shot, if you don 't the next is mine." Then Peter

knocked J down, atid from that they got me out of

the hands of the Philistines.

My friends conducted me to a house not far from
Crawson's, and told me to lie down. I was fatigued,
but not hurt. Peter — — said, — " We are going to
get K. and J. in where your master is, — he is safe."
They were arrested and tried for breaking the peace of
the city, so it was told me. Some new act had been
passed, and the judge wanted some time to see how it
differed from the former law. On Monday afternoon
he decided that there was no violence on the part of
the whites, but that the colored men had been seen to
knock down some persons ; that my master had a right

to take me ; and that K and J had acted in

discharge of their duty as officers. I was told on
Tuesday morning how the law was, and that I could
be carried back if I remained in the United States. I
then started off for Canada by the underground rail-
road

My work is as hard here as it was in slavery. The
hardest thing in slavery is not the work, — it is the
abuse of a man, and, in my case, of a man's wife and
children. They were not punished severely, — but I
did not want her whipped at all — I do n't want any
man to meddle with my wife, — I bothered her enough,
and did n't want anybody else to trouble her at all. It

5

50 the refugee; or a

is Ignorance that keeps the slaves there. I was told
before I left Virginia, — have heard it as common talk?
that the wild geese were so numerous in Canada, and
so bad, that they would scratch a man's eyes out ; that
corn would n't grow there, nor any thing else but rice ;
that every thing they had there was imported.

I attended a church for colored people in Virginia,
and had good privileges in religion. The children
showed me to read and write.

MRS. NANCY HOWARD.

I was born in Anne Arundel county, Maryland, — -
was brought up in Baltimore. After my escape, I
lived in Lynn, Mass., seven years, but I left there
through fear of being carried back, owing to the fugi-
tive slave law. I have lived in St. Catharines less than
a year.

The way I got away was, — my mistress was sick,
and went into the country for her health. I went to
stay with her cousin. After a month, my mistress was
sent back to the city to her cousin's, and I waited on
her. My daughter had been off three years. A friend
said to me, — "Now is your chance to get off." At
last I concluded to go, — the friend supplying me with
money. I was asked no questions on the way north.

My idea of slavery is, that it is one of the blackest,
the wickedest things that ever were in the world.
When you tell them the truth, they whip you to make
you lie. I have taken more lashes for this, than for any
other thing, because I would not lie.

One day I set the table, and forgot to put on the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 51

carving-fork — the knife was there. I went to the
table to put on a plate. My master said, — " Where is
the fork ? " I told him " I forgot it." He says, — " You
d — d black b— , I '11 forget you ! " — at the same time
hitting me on the head with the carving-knife. The
blood spurted out, — you can see. [Here the woman
removed her turban and showed a circular cicatrice
denuded of hair, about an inch in diameter, on the top
of her head.] My mistress took me into the kitchen
and put on camphor, but she could not stop the bleed-
ing. A doctor was sent for. He came, but asked no
questions. I was frequently punished with raw hides, —
was hit with tongs and poker and any thing. I used
when I went out, to look up at the sky, and say, " Bless-
ed Lord, oh, do take me out of this ! " It seemed to
me I could not bear another lick. I can't forget it. I
sometimes dream that I am pursued, and when I wake,
I am scared almost to death.

Slaveholders ought to be prayed for. I find it harder
to get work here, than I did in Massachusetts. It is a
sin on the slaveholders that I had to leave and come
here. It has brought me lower to the ground. I think
the slaveholders don't read the Scriptures the right
way, — they do n't know their danger.

My master bragged one day to his friend, that I
would not lie. He said, " I came nigh laying that d — d
b — 's side open, and she stuck to it she was telling the
truth, and it turned out she was." We ain't no more
than the brutes, at the South. I used to think they
would speak better to a dog or cow. Then they would
say, " Get out of the way," — they wouldn't put the
other to it.

One Sunday, my master promised me and my boy,
that he hoped God would damn him, if he did not tie

52 the refugee; or a

us up and whip us the next morning. I went into a
corner and prayed to God, to allow me to take all the
whipping, but to spare my boy. By and by, my mis-
tress ran for me ; she said " your master is dying ! " I
blew the horn to call people to us. My master lay on
the floor — he never spoke afterwards, but he lived a
week. He seemed to have his senses — he would make
signs with his head. He would allow no one to pray
with him. I prayed for him all the time he was sick.
To the last, when they asked him to have prayers, he
would shake his head.

GEORGE JOHNSON.

I arrived in St. Catharines about two hours ago.
[1855, 4, 17.]

I was raised near Harper's Ferry. I was used as
well as the people about there are used. My master
used to pray in his family with the house servants,
morning and evening. I attended these services until I
was eighteen, when I was put out on the farm, and
lived in a cabin. We were well supplied with food.
We went to work at sunrise, and quit work between
sundown and dark. Some were sold from my master's
farm, and many from the neighborhood. If a man did
any thing out of the way, he was in more danger of
being sold than of being whipped. The slaves were
always afraid of being sold South. The Southern mas-
ters were believed to be much worse than those about
us. I had a great wish for liberty when I was a boy.
I always had it in my head to clear. But I had a wife
and children. However, my wife died last year of

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 53

cholera, and then I determined not to remain in that
country.

When my old master died, I fell to his son. I had
no difficulty with him, but was influenced merely by a
love of liberty. I felt disagreeably about leaving my
friends, — but I knew I might have to leave them by
going South. There was a fellow-servant of mine
named Thomas. My master gave him a letter one day,
to carry to a soul-driver. Thomas got a man to read it,
who told him he was sold. Thomas then got a free man

to carry the letter. They handcuffed , the free man,

and put him in jail. Thomas, when he saw them take
the free man, dodged into the bush. He came to us.
We made up a purse, and sent him on his way. Next
day, the man who had carried the letter, sent for his
friends and got out. The master denied to us that he
intended to sell Thomas. He did not get the money
for him. Thomas afterward wrote a letter from To-
ronto to his friend.

I prepared myself by getting cakes, etc., and on a
Saturday night in March, I and two comrades started
off together. They were younger than I. . . . . We
travelled by night and slept by day until we reached
Pittsburg. When we had got through the town, I left
the two boys, and told them not to leave while I went
back to a grocery for food. When I returned, they
were gone, — I do not know their fate. I stopped in
that neighborhood two nights, trying to find them — I
did not dare to inquire for them. The second night, I
made up my mind to ask after them, but my heart
failed me. I am of opinion that they got to Canada, as
they knew the route. At length I was obliged to come
off without them.

I think that slavery is not the best condition for the

5*

54 the refugee; or a

blacks. Whipping and slashing are bad enough, but
selling children from their mothers and husbands from
their wives is worse. At one time I wanted to marry
a young woman, not on the same farm. I was then
sent to Alabama, to one of my masters's sons for two
years. "When the girl died, I was sent for to come
back. I liked the work, the tending of cotton, better
than the work on the farm in Virginia, — but there was
so much whipping in Alabama, that I was glad to get
back. One man there, on another farm, was tied up
and received five hundred and fifty lashes for striking
the overseer. His back was awfully cut up. His wife
took care of him. Two months after, I saw him lying
on his face, unable to turn over or help himself. The
master seemed ashamed of this, and told the man that
if he got well, he might go where he liked. My master
told me he said so, and the man told me so himself.
Whether he ever got well, I do not know: the time
when I saw him, was just before I went back to Vir-
ginia.*

ISAAC WILLIAMS.

My master's farm is in Virginia. When my first
master died, his widow married a man who got into
debt and was put into prison. The woman gave up
her rights to get him out. Then we were sold. Every
man came to be sold for her lifetime, — then to revert
to the heirs. The heirs bought in all they could —
among them my two sisters. They were sent straight

* Mr. Johnson had already engaged work when I saw him.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 55

to a slave-pen at Richmond. Where they went I know
not : that was the last I heard of them ; we could not
help it, — they went off crying. My purchaser bought
also the interest of the heirs in me, and I remained
with him ten years — until my escape, near the close
of 1854.

Before I was sold I was hired out to work : at one
time to a man on the Rappahannock. Three of his
men got away — went as far as Bluff Point. Then
they were overtaken, tied to his buggy by the overseer,
who whipped up, and they had to run home. One, our
employer and his overseer whipped, taking turns about
it, until they cut him through to his caul, and he died
under the lash. The employer, it was said, caused the
man's heart to be taken out and carried over the river,
so as not to be haunted by his spirit. He was arrested,
and heavily fined. The other two runaways were sold
south. Then I worked for another person, being hired
out to him. Directly after I went to him, I went to
a haystack to feed cattle : accidentally I set fire to
the haystack which was consumed, — for which I re-
ceived three hundred lashes with hickory sticks. The

overseer gave me the blows and Jo counted them.

His feeding was herrings and a peck of meal a week —
never enough — if one wanted more he had to steal it.

My last master's allowance was a peck and a half of
corn meal a week, and a small slice of meat for each
dinner. If any thing more was got it had to be ob-
tained at night. He had but one overseer, and that for
but one year. He was a sharp man — whipped me
with a cowhide. I 've seen him whip women and chil-
dren like oxen. My master owned a yellow girl, who,
he feared, would run away. I was his head man and
had to help do it. He tied her across the fence, naked,

56 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

and whipped her severely with a paddle bored with
holes, and with a switch. Then he shaved the hair off
of one side of her head, and daubed cow-filth on the
shaved part, to disgrace her — keep her down. I tried
hard to avoid the lash, but every year he would get up
with me for a whipping in some way. I could not
avoid it, — he would catch me on something, do how
I would. The last time he whipped me, was for stealing

corn for bread for Christmas. George was with me.

He tied our wrists together about a tree, and then
whipped us with a carriage whip — that was six years
ago. He whipped till he wore the lash off; then he
tied a knot in the end, and gave me a blow which laid
me up limping three weeks, — the blood ran down
into my shoes. After that he used to whip the others.
George and others would have their shirts sticking to
their backs in the blood. I have seen him strip my
wife and whip her with a cobbing board or cow-
hide. . . .

One Sunday he sent me into the woods to look for
hogs. I could not find them, and I told him so on my
return. Said he, " They are killed and eaten, and you
know the going of them." I told him the truth that I
did not know of it. He then seized me by the collar,
and told me to cross my wrists. I did so, — but when
he laid a rope across to bind them, I jerked them apart.
He then undertook to trip me forward with his foot,
and as I straightened back, to avoid it, it threw him.
He kept his hold on my collar and called for help. The
servants came pouring out, — they seized me, and he
tied my wrists together with leading lines, eleven yards
long, wrapping them about my wrists as long as there
was a piece to wrap. Then he led me to the meat-
house and said, " Go in there — I '11 lay examples on

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 57

you for all the rest to go by — fighting your master ! "
Whilst one was making a cobbing board, and another
was gone to cut hickory switches, and he was looking
up more leading lines, I got a knife from my pocket,
opened it with my teeth, and holding it in my mouth,
cut through the lines which bound me. Then I took a
gambrel, and broke open the door. I had made up my
mind, knowing that he would come wellnigh killing
me, to hit with the gambrel any one who came to
seize me. When I burst the door open, no one was
there, — but master was coming. I sprung for the flats :
he hailed me to come back. I stopped and told him
that I had worked night and day to try to please him,
and I would never come back any more. I stayed
away nine days — then he sent me word, that he would
not whip me, if I would come back. I went back, and
he did not whip me afterward. But he used to whip
my wife to spite me, and tell her, " you must make
Isaac a good boy." This is true, God knows.

At one time, one of the hands named Matthew was
cutting wheat. His blade being dull, our master gave
him so many minutes to grind it. But Matthew did
not get the blade done in the time allowed. Trouble
grew out of this. Matthew was whipped, and kept
chained by the leg in one of the buildings. One day
when master was at church, I showed Matthew how to
get away. He went away with the chain and lock on
his leg. The neighbor's people got it off. He then took
to the bush. After two or three weeks, my master sent
me to look for him, promising not to whip him if I
could get him in. I did not see him, but I saw Mat-
thew's sisters, and told them master's promise not to
whip. On a Saturday night, soon after, he came in.
He was chained and locked in the house until Sunday.

58 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

Then he was given in charge to Wallace (a colored
man employed in the kitchen) to take care of him. On
Monday, he was whipped. Then master got me to
persuade Matthew not to run away. He wouldn't tell
Matthew he was afraid of his running, but would tell
him he couldn't get away,- — that times were so straight
with the telegraph and railway, that he couldn't get
away. And that's what keeps the poor fellows there :
that, and knowing that some do set out, and get brought
back, and knowing what is done with them. So Mat-
thew stayed on the farm. This occurred last summer,
[1854]. *

In the fall, I was making money to come away, by
selling fish which I caught in the creek, and by other

means, when a woman on Mr. 's farm came to see

me about some one that she feared would leave. As
we talked, she said, " You would n't go away from
your wife and children ? " I said, " What 's the rea-
son I would n't ? to stay here with half enough to eat,
and to see my wife persecuted for nothing when I can
do her no good. I '11 go either north or south, where I
can get enough to eat ; and if ever I get away from
that wife, I'll never have another in slavery, to be
served in that way." Then she told her master, and he
let on to my master, that I was making money to go
away.

By and by I saw Mr. E , who had a little farm in

the neighborhood, — then I said to one of the men,
" There 's going to be something done with me to-day,
either whip me or sell me, one or the other." Awhile
after, as I was fanning out some corn in the granary,
three white men came to the door — my master, Mr.

E -j and a neighboring overseer. My master came

walking to me, taking handcuffs out of his pocket,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 59

~- " Come, Isaac," says he, " it 's time for you to be
corrected now ; you 've been doing wrong this year or

two." Said I, " "What's the matter now, master ? "

He answered, "I'm not going to whip you; I've
made up my mind to sell you. I would not take two
thousand dollars for you on my farm if I could keep
you. I understand that you are getting ready to go
off." He had then put his handcuffs on me : " Well,
Sir, it is agreed to go as freely as water runs from the
spring, " — meaning that I would go with him without
resistance or trouble. " I have done all I could for you,
night and day, even carting wood on Sunday morning,
■ — and this is what I get for it." " Ah, Sir," said he,
" you are willing to go, but 't will be none the better for

you." " Well, master , there 's good and bad men

all over the world, and I 'm as likely to meet with a
good man as to meet with a bad one." " Well, Sir, if
there 's not less of that racket, I '11 give you a good
brushing over." I was going over to the house then,

from the granary. I answered, " Well, master ,

you may do as you please, I am your nigger now, but
not long." Then I met my wife, coming crying, ask-
ing,— "What's the matter?" I told her, "Eliza,
no more than what I told you, — just what I expected
was going to be done." His word was, " Take her
away, and if she don't hush, take her to the granary,
and give her a good whipping." She was crying, you
see. He took me to his bedroom, and chained me by
one leg to his bedpost, and kept me there, handcuffs
on, all night. He slept in the bed. Next morning, he
took me in a wagon and carried me to Fredericksburg,
and sold me into a slave-pen to George Ayler, for ten
hundred and fifty dollars. Here I met with Henry
Banks. He entered the slave-pen after I had been there

60 the refugee; or a

three days. He had run away since May, but was
taken in Washington, D. C.

On a Thursday evening, came a trader from the

south, named Dr. . He looked at Henry, and at a

man named George Strawden, and at me, but did not
purchase, the price being too high. I dreamed that
night that he took us three. Next morning I told
Henry, " That man is coming to take you, and
George, and me, just as sure as the world ; so Henry,
let's you and me make a bargain to try and get away;
for I 'm never deceived in a dream, — if I dreamed mas-
ter was going to whip me, he would surely whip some-
body next day." That 's as good a sign in the south
as ever was.

About breakfast time, Dr. came and stripped us

stark naked to examine us. They frequently do,
whether buying women or men. He says, " Well,
boys, I 'm satisfied with you all, if you are willing to
go with me, without putting me to any trouble." He
had his handcuffs and spancels (ancle-beads, they call
them for a nickname) with him. I said to him, " Yes,
we are willing to go with you, and will go without
any trouble, - — I came without any trouble, and will
go without any trouble," — but he did not know my
meaning. " I have no farm to keep you on myself,"
said he, " I live in Tennessee, — 1 am going on to
Georgia, and will take fifteen hundred dollars apiece
for you — I '11 get as good places for you as I can —
't is not so bad there as you have heard it is." I said,

"Oh, yes, Master , I know you'll do the best

you can ; I 'm willing to go." " Well, get up all your
clothes against the cars come from the Creek, and then

we '11 go to Richmond." " I suppose, Master ,

we '11 have time to get 'em, — how long will it be be-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 61

fore the cars come along? " " About three quarters of
an hour, boy." Then he went to George Ayler to give
him a check on the Richmond Bank for $3,400 for the
three men. Henry and I then got up our clothes, — I
put on two shirts, three pairs of pantaloons, two vests,
a thick coat, and a summer coat in the pocket, — Henry
did the same with his ; so we had no bundles to carry.
We were afraid to let George know, for fear he would
betray us.

Dr. left the gate open, being deceived by our

apparent readiness to go with him. We told George,
" Stop a minute, we are going to get some water, Then
we walked through Fredericksburg — having left the
city we crossed the bridge to Falmouth, turned to the
left, and made for the bush. Then we heard the cars
from the creek, as they were running to Fredericksburg.
On looking round, we saw a number of men coming after
us on horseback. The way we cleared them was, we
went into the bush, turned short to the right, leaving them
the straightforward road, — we then moved on toward
the very county from which I was sold. We were out
three weeks, during the last of which we made a cave
by digging into a cliff, at the head of the creek. The
southern men who saw the cave (as we heard afterward
when we were in jail) said they never saw so complete
a place to hide in.

All this time I had visited my wife every day, either
when the white folks were occupied, or before day.
One Saturday night we hunted about for something to
eat, without finding any thing until midnight. It then
came into my head about the man who had persuaded
my master to sell me, — so we went to him, and got a
dozen chickens, which we took to our cave. This made
us late, — it was sunrise when we reached our cave,

6

62 THE REFUGEE J OH A

and then H , who was standing in the woods, look*

ing for my brother Horace, saw me, and saw us going

into our den. Then he went off and got N , with

a double-barrelled gun, and T with a hickory club ;

and himself returned with a six-barrelled revolver.

Then I heard N asking, " Who is in here ? " I

looked up, and there was the gun within two feet of
my head, up to his face and cocked. " Surrender, or
I '11 blow your brains out ! " I looked out, but saw no

way of escape, but by going across the creek, — N-

was on one side with his gun, H on the other with

his revolver, and T — over the entrance with his hick-
ory stick. I said to Henry, " What are we to do ? I
started for death, and death we must try to go through.

I want to see the man that bought us, no more." N

hailed me by name, for he had now seen my face, " Sur-
render, for if you come out, I '11 blow your brains out."
" Then," said I, « You will have to do it." Then I
came out, bringing my broadaxe weighing seven and a
half pounds in my hand, — he just stood aside and gave
me a chance to come out by the muzzle of his gun.
We sprung for the creek, I and my partner. In the
middle it was over my depth, but I reached the other
side, still holding on to the axe. While I was strug-
gling to. get up the bank, N fired, and shot the

broad axe out of my hand, putting twenty-nine shot
into my right arm and hand, and seven into my right
thigh. I ran until I got through a piece of marsh, and
upon a beach near some woods.

I was standing looking at my arm ; and on looking
around for Henry saw him in the sedge. By this time

H had crossed the creek too. I called to Henry to

come on, and as he rose from the hedge, N shot

him. He fell ; then he got up, ran a little distance, and

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY., 63

fell again. Then he rose up, presently fell a third time,
but again recovered himself and came to me.

Finding ourselves wounded and bleeding, so that we
could do nothing further towards escape, we gave up.
They tied our hands behind us with a leather strap,
which was very painful, as my wounded wrist swelled
very much. I begged them to loosen it but they would

not. They took us to jail in county. Dr. H.

there counted ninety shot in Henry's back, legs, and
arms. We stayed in the jail, a month lacking three
days, — two weeks in a sort of dungeon in the cellar:
then, Henry being sick with fever, from the effects of
the shooting, they put us up stairs, one story higher.
We were kept on water and collots (outside leaves of
cabbage half cooked). I begged the Lord, would I ever
get out, and if 't was so that J was to be caught after I
got out, not to let me get out. In my dream, I saw
myself prying out, and heard a man speaking to me and
saying, " As long as there 's breath there 's hope." His
voice awoke me. I told Henry, and we got up, and
went to the place where I had dreamed of trying, but
we could not open it. This was after three weeks.

Then the agent of Dr. came to examine us. He

found we were shot so badly, that he would not take

us to Richmond, unless he first heard from Dr. , as

there was said to be some dispute between Dr. and

Ayler about the money. On a Thursday, three days
before the month of November was out, we expected
Dr. . But he did not happen to come.

T had been trying several days at one of the windows,
but despaired of getting out there, — so I look a stove
leg and a piece of a fender, and tried at another win-
dow facing the jailer's house. Then conscience- said to
me, " Go and try that window that you left, and see if

64 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

you can't get out." I looked at Henry to see if he was
talking, but he said he had not spoken. I then returned
to the first window, and pried off a short plank by the
window to see how it was built. The jail was of brick,
and the window frame was secured in its place by an
iron clamp, spiked. On removing the plank I found
behind it a short piece of iron spliced on. This I pried
off with the stove leg ; then I replaced the plank.

At night, just after dark, I went to work at the win-
dow. Henry was too sick to work, but when I needed
his help, he would come and aid me. "With the piece
of iron I had taken from the wall, I got a purchase
against the clamp. We took the bedstead to pieces,
and using the short or long pieces as was convenient,
we started the frame off on one side, splitting the sill
at the bottom, where the grates were let in, and bend-
ing all the cross bars. Where the ^ill split off, it left a
place so wide, that by removing the bricks underneath
the window, we enlarged it sufficiently to get through.
I stretched out of the opening full length, and let go,
falling to the ground. Henry followed me, I assisting
him down.

We walked eight miles that night, to my master's
farm, and hid ourselves in the neighborhood, until Sat-
urday night. Then I went out for something to eat.
On my return, I saw as many as fifteen men hunting
for me, some on horse, some on foot, with four hounds.
I squatted close behind a thick cedar bush : the hounds
came around me, and I gave them portions of the food
I had collected, to keep them quiet, until the white men
were out of sight, — then I scared away the hounds. I
then rejoined Henry at our tent, If the runaways knew
enough they could keep clear of the hounds by rubbing
the soles of their shoes with red onion or spruce pine.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 65

It now came on to rain, so that we were obliged to
dig a den in the ground, expecting to stay there until
spring, as we thought it would be too cold to travel in
the winter, and that in the warm season we might live
on fruits by the way. About this time, a neighboring
farmer had two mules killed by a boar. His overseer,

H , the same who found me before, told him that

Henry and I had done it, — then S— D— — and
others sent to Fredericksburg for men and hounds to
drive night and day, and take us, dead or alive, with
orders to shoot us down at the very first sight. This
we learned from some of our good friends, — and we
then determined to leave. Here I come to speak of
Kit Nichols, a slave on another farm. Kit had been
beaten, and had run away, — he laid down in a wet
ditch to avoid his pursuers. I met Kit in the woods.
He was anxious to go with us, and we all three started
on Monday night, the 1st day of December, 1854.

We walked eighteen miles the first night, to ... ,

kept on through the towns of and , up to

M . At M , I met a colored man, and asked

him for food, as I had been fasting a long time. He
directed us to a place where he said we could get food.
Then he went away, and soon we saw him returning
with three white men. Kit and Henry dodged, and I
went on and met the white men face to face. Kit and
Henry heard them say there were " three boys going to
Warrenton." They passed on to the place where the
colored man had sent us. We travelled on towards
Warrenton, until we struck the railroad, and then footed
it to Alexandria. On the way we went up to a house,
where was a white man and his wife, — we asked him to
sell us some bread. Said he, " Have you got a pass ? "
Said I, " I have no pass, but we want some bread,

6*

66 the refugee; oe a

and we will pay you for it." He went on, " You can 't
travel without a pass." We told him we were hungry,
— he kept on talking about a " pass." Finding we
could get no bread we left him, and he then set his dog
on us.

On the Virginia side of the bridge, we bought cigars
and a few cakes. We lighted our cigars, and I walked
on, swinging a little cane. We passed through Wash-
ington city. It now rained. We wandered about all
night in the rain in Maryland. Just at daybreak we
heard cars, and walked for the railroad. Before reach-
ing it, we went into the bush, and with some matches
which I had kept dry in my hat, made a fire and dried
our clothes. We remained in the bush all day, watch-
ing and sleeping, and at night went on to the railroad.
On our way, we met two white men, who asked us,
" Where are you going ? " I told them, " home."
" Where ? " " In Baltimore." " Where have you
been ? " " Chopping wood for John Brown." They
asked, " Are you free ? " " Yes." " Where are your
papers ? " " At home, in Baltimore." They went into
a shanty to arm themselves. While they were doing
this, we ran as fast as we could.

We reached Baltimore just at light, and laid down in
a small piece of bush in the corporation. We watched
as the trains came in through the day to see where the
depot was, as we wished to get on the track for Phila-
delphia. At night we walked boldly past the depot,
but we were bothered by the forking of the roads, and
came out at the river. Then we tried back, — by and
by we saw a long train moving out from the city. We
followed it, and went on to Havre de Grace, — but we
did not cross the bridge — we could not cross over as
we had wished. We moved in another direction. We

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 67

concealed ourselves the next day, and again travelled
all night. In the morning, we met with a friend, a
colored man, who guided us about ten miles, and then
directed us to a place where we had abundance of food
given us, the first we had tasted since Thursday, al-
though it was now Saturday night. We met with no
more trouble. We reached Canada the morning after
Christmas, at 3 o'clock.

It is the wickedest thing a man can do to hold a
slave — the most unconscionable sin a man can do. If
there were any chance to fight for the slaves' freedom,
I 'd go and stand up at the south and fight as readily as
I would now go out of doors. I believe it would be
just, and a righteous cause. I feel great pity for the
poor creatures there, who long for a way, yet can see
no way out. They think if Great Britain were to get
into a war with America, it would be the means of
freeing them. They would slip round and get on the
English side.

If slavery were abolished, I would rather live in a
southern State, — I would work for some one, but I
should want to have a piece of land of my own.

CHRISTOPHER NICHOLS.

I made my escape from slavery in Virginia ; do n't
know my age, — suppose some forty odd. I belonged
to but one man until after I was married. I tried to
do my work. The lash was used in season and out of
season. The whip was cracking from Monday morn-
ing to Saturday night. We were up before day —
when the rooster crowed, the horn blowed. By the

68 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

time one could see his hand before him, he was at work,
and we were kept at work until late. If a man ran
away after he had been whipped, the rest of us were
put on half allowance till he came back, and the run-
away must make up his lost time by working Sundays.

If I were to sit here until to-morrow morning, I
could n't tell you half as bad as I have been used
since I can remember.

One Sunday, when I was about nineteen years old,
the white children were playing in the stack-yard. The
boys (slaves) had hooked a sheep, and these children
found the hide in the straw. Master had all the slaves
brought up Sunday evening. The overseer came home
half drunk — worse than if sober. They whipped one
hard ; I and another thought of running, — but I was
innocent, and thought they would n't whip me. I went
up and pulled off my jacket, — they stripped me and
whipped me until I fainted. Then they carried me to
the kitchen and sent for the doctor. I was out of my
head two or three days : the master told the boys I
was playing 'possum. They never found out who took
the sheep. They whipped four — the rest dodged.

At about twenty-one or twenty-two, I went to live
with a man who had married my master's daughter.
The first word he *ever said to me was, " Where's the
key to the corn-house ? " "I do n't know, Sir." Said
he, " Has the horse been fed ? " " Yes, Sir." " Has he
had enough ? " "I do n't know, Sir." " Do you think
you are talking to a poor man, or to a nigger, like your-
self? " He then seized a stake from the fence, and said
if I talked so to him any more, he would " lay me
sprawling."

After he found that by my old master's will, I be-
longed to him, he began to beat me. He came down

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 69

to the mill one day, • — I tended a mill — I was picking, —
I had stopped to fix the spindle ; he thought me asleep,
and hit me one or two blows. Then he went out and
cut some hickory sticks. He came to the door and
called me. I came to him with the pick in my hand.
" Lay that down." I did so. While he was looking
for a place to tie me up, I went by him and ran into
the woods. At night I went back for my clothes ;
then, with two more boys, I started for the free States.
We did not know where they were, but went to try
to find them. We crossed the Potomac and hunted
round and round and round. Some one showed us the
way to Washington ; but we missed of it, and wan-
dered all night ; then we found ourselves where we set
out. In a week's time, we got to Washington — then
to Scatterway, and were caught. They took us to
Marlborough jail, and we were kept there two days
and nights. Then the masters took us out handcuffed
together. On the next morning, we went to Alex-
andria and were put ill jail. Then the traders came
from Washington to examine us. One of the boys
was sold to go south. Jarvis and I were chained to-
gether, and our hands were together. On our way

back, we encountered Mr. S , M 's father, who

seized a large club and hit Jarvis over the head with it,

drawing blood terribly. Young M stopped him.

Then they took us to Mr. S 's house, and chained

us to different trees, where we stayed all day. Young

M came to me and slung my leg up into the tree

so that I fell on my back. Said I, " Master M ,

you hurt me." Said he, " I want to hurt you, because
you give meal to my boys."

By and by Mr. M W came and took me

home, chained to a horse. My master I saw coming

70 the refugee; or a

with a cobbing-board full of auger holes, and somebody
was cutting switches. Said he, " How are you ? how
are you ? this country is too hot for you, is n't it ? You
were making for the north where it 's cool." Then he

told Mr. "W to take me to the barn, in the late

afternoon, and said he would get it out of me. He
used the cobbing-board until he burst it to pieces, then
a boy came with an arm full of switches. The boy
was going, but he stopped the boy to see it done, so
that he might tell the others. Then he began to whip
me, and he whipped, and he whipped, and he whipped,
and he whipped ; I was in hopes the switches would
break up, but it seemed as if one would last all the
evening. When he had done whipping it was dark,
and I was hardly able to get to the house. His wife
sent me down a piece of mutton suet to grease my
back. My shirt was as if it had been dipped in a bar-
rel of blood. The next day, I had to go and stand be-
fore the drum of the wheat machine, and tend the ma-
chine all day. At night I was compelled to stack
straw. I could not get along with my master at all.
He was all the time hitting or whipping me — I was
" a bad example for the boys," he said, " but he 'd get
it out of me yet." One day he found some wheat in
the mill, which I was going to grind for the boys.
Then he took me to the carriage-house and tied me to
the carriage wheel, and whipped me a.s badly as when
I had run away. After the whipping, he made a boy
take spirits of turpentine and rub on my back. Next
day, every one who saw me — the white people who
came to the mill — said it was a shame to use any-
body in that way. This was in the summer of 1854.

I always had it in my mind, that if I could get to a
free State, I should be better off than where I was.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 71

But I had been told by N W that I could not

get away : there were guards at every corner of the
street in Washington, etc.

My master used to allow us one piece of meat a day,
and a peck and a half of corn meal a week.

He whipped a woman before I came away, Wm.
Dunkan's wife, who had a young child. He laid her
on a bench, and threw her clothes up over her head,
and made a boy and a woman hold her. He whipped
her with a cobbing-board until she fainted, — she was

so bad that they sent for Dr. W ; but he was so

angry at what my master had done, that he would not
go. A week or two after, I saw the woman about
again.

Another case on the same farm was that of Mary
Montgomery, who had a small child at her breast.
She had been sick for two or three days, but went out
to get some ice for her master. The foreman told her
to go back to the house, as she was too sick to work.
She went back, and then master drove her out to go
again for ice. Then she took to the woods, and he has
not seen her since. It was said, that she got to the
North, but nobody knew. Her child was taken care of
by another woman, who tried to bring it up by hand,
but it died.

My master used me so, that I was determined to
dtart off, live or die. I made up my mind that I would
rather die than be taken. I took no pistol — no knife
— nothing but a stick to walk with. I came away
with Isaac Williams and Henry Banks. When I found
that Isaac was going, I determined to start, as I thought
it would be a poor chance for me, if he got off before I
did.

I left a wife and three children, and three grand-

72 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

children, — I never expect to see them again in this
world — ■ never.

1 have seen parents and children, husbands and wives,
separated by sale.

It seems not right for slavery to be. I do not think
it does any good to the colored men, I feel no inclina-
tion to go back — I don't want to cross the line. All
the time I was in slavery, I lived in dead dread and
fear. If I slept it was in dread — and in the morning
it was dread — dread, night and day. It seems to
me I must have been dead by this time, if I had not
got away. My master was killing me as fast as he
could when I got away.

HENRY BANKS.

I was born in Stafford Co., in 1835. I was brought
up on a farm. I did not go to school. I learned to
read of my brother-in-law, but I cannot write. There
was a Sunday school, but not for colored children.

One of the earliest things I remember is my being

sold to Mr. N , a farmer in the neighborhood. My

mother and brothers and sisters were sold at the same
time to N , I lived with N until about fif-
teen years old. When I was eight years old, I was
put to work regularly on the farm, ploughing, hoeing
corn, and doing farm work generally. I have belonged
to several owners, but I have no recollection of any one
of them ever coming to my cabin to inquire into my
wants, nor to ask whether any thing was necessary for
my comfort or convenience, — nor whether I was well
used by the overseer or foreman. If I were sick, the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 73

overseer attended to me, — if he thought it needful, he
would give me medicine, — if he thought it a hard
case, he would send for a doctor* I had the doctor
once, but the owner did not come to see me. This was

nothing strange, — it was so with all, so far as I have

heard. N- ~'s overseer whipped me often — stripped

me, and tied me up when he did it, and generally drew
blood, — sometimes he would not be so severe as at
others, but I have frequently had to pull my shirt from
my back with a good deal of misery, on account of its
sticking in the blood where I had been lashed. Let
daybreak catch me in the house, instead of currying
the horses, that was as good for a flogging as any thing
else, — if caught standing at the plough, instead of
moving, that was good for fifty lashes more or less, —
the least of any thing would provoke it. I was whipped
once because the overseer said I looked mad : " Come
here, you d — d selfish son of a b — h, I '11 please you by
the time I 've done with you." Then he whipped me,
so that I could n't hollow. I always tried to do the
work faithfully that was assigned me, — not because I
felt it a duty, but because I was afraid not to do it : I
did not feel it right, however, to be compelled to work
for other folks.

N broke up, — sold the farm and all his people.

We were scattered, but not very far apart — some six
or seven miles. I was sold to R— — S— — , in Spot-
sylvania county, across the Rappahannock. I was the

only one of the family that S bought. I lived with

him about a year and a half. He had a colored slave
foreman, who had to do as he was commanded, and I
hardly had so much consideration as from a white over-
seer. S did not clothe nor feed his hands well.

We were worked very late at night and were at it

7

74 the refugee; or a

again before day. Sundays differed little from other
days. Sometimes he would give us Sunday or part of
a Sunday ; but if he were in the least angry, we had to
work all day. I did not hear a sermon preached during
the time I lived with S~ — — , there was no meeting for us
to go to. I would sometimes hear of there being meet-
ings about there, but I had no chance to go. At this
place there was no colored minister — -there were no
Christian people on that place. I never heard any re-
ligious songs while I was there. It was work, work,
and nothing else ; that 's all they asked of me, — and if
we did not do it, we were whipped. Nobody was ex-
cused—we were all used one way — -all kept at it. I
left him on account of work. It was in harvest — har-
vesting wheat. I was cradling™ I could n't make the
cradle cut well. S- — — said, " You can make that cra-
dle cut better if yon choose to, — but you do n't choose
to." I told him " I had tried to make it do the best I
knew how." Then he said to the men, " Come here -and
take hold of this d— d nigger, I '11 make it all right with
him." Then they took me to the barn, stripped me
stark naked, and then he tied my hands together and
my feet together, and swung me up so I could move
neither way. While he was tying me up, I told him,
" I will do all I know Iioav to do." He said " 'twas a
d — d lie, — I did n't do it, — but he knew I could do it,
— and when he was done with me, he'd show that I
would do it." Then he commenced whipping me with
a cowhide, made keen at the end ; he put on the blows
forward and backward — every blow bringing the blood.
He must have whipped me a solid half hour. Before
he took me down, he said, " Now will you go and do
the business ? " I told him then, that " I had told him
before that I would willingly do all that I knew how."

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY, 75

He said, " I '11 try you with this — if I tie you up again,
I'll give you five hundred." Then he took me down.
I was then unable to do any work. He told me to go
to work, but I could not even stand. He then had me
carried by the hands into the shade of a tree, where I
laid just as I could, — I could not lie anyway long.
The men brought buckets of water and threw on me, —
I knew what it was for — they thought I was dying.

I did no more work for S . I ran away that same

night into the woods.

I ran away in order that master might sell me run-
ning,— I didn't care much whose hands I fell into, if
I got out of his. He put out advertisements for me, as
I was told, of twenty-five dollars reward, for bringing
me home not injured. I had heard tell of a free coun-
try— but I did not know where it was, nor how to get
there. I stayed in the woods three months ; I then
thought I would start for a free country somewhere. I
got as far as the city of Washington ; there I went
aboard a vessel which the captain told me was going
to Boston. But it was not. He asked me for free pa-
pers — I told him I had none. Then he suspected me,
and said I could not ship without them. He said, if I
were a slave, he would make a free man of me, — that
he had a habit of doing so, — but he lied. I believed
him, however — I trusted him, and iold him my case,
how my owner treated me, and all, — he said he thought
it was very wrong. Then, after he had got it all out of
me, he went into the city, and told me to stay aboard
till he came back; to get what I wanted to eat, and
cook it, but not let myself be seen, because I might be
taken up. He was gone a short time, and then he
came back, and asked me to go with him to his house,
to bring some provisions down for his vessel. I went

76 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

with him up the street — there were several persons
standing on a corner. The captain said, " Come this
way ; there 's a constable — do n't let him see you ! "
Then the constable came along behind us. The cap-
tain led me into an office and said, " Here 's a runaway
I've took up." There was some questioning, and I
was put in jail.

In one week's time, R S came and shook

hands with me through the grates. He asked, " What
made me run away ? " I told him, " I would n't have
run away if he had n't whipped me." " Do you want
to go home ? " "I '11 go back if you won't whip me
any more." He made no promise, but took me home.
Directly he sold me to George Ayler. I escaped from
Ayler's slave-pen in company with Isaac Williams

In the den we were ; three white men came upon us.
We took across the creek. I was in the den when they
fired at Isaac. I then jumped for the creek. I was
shot by one of the white men. I caught the shot from
my legs to my shoulders — all over my back. About a
hundred shot holes were counted in my back, — they
were ducking shot, and are mostly in me now. I suffer
from them now in my right arm, if I do any work.

I do not think it was intended for any man to be a
slave. I never thought so, from a little boy. The
slaves are not contented and happy. They can't be :
I never knew one to be so where I was.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 77

JOHN W. LINDSEY.

[Mr. Lindsey reached St. Catharines in an entirely destitute con-
dition. He is now reputed to be worth from eight to ten thousand
dollars, acquired by industry and economy.]

I was born free. At the age of seven, I was kid-
napped by S G , and carried to West Tennes-
see. When I was about twenty-five years old, I went to a
man who had been Postmaster General, and asked him
if he would do any thing toward restoring my freedom,
as I had been kidnapped wrongfully, and was unlaw-
fully detained by Mr. . He answered, that " Mr.

G had settled all that," and advised me to " Go

home and be a good boy." Finding that I was to get
no assistance from any quarter, and that justice was
refused me, I resolved to free myself. I was whiter
then than I am now, for it was twenty-one years ago,
and I worked under cover at blacksmithing. A person
across the street could not tell whether I were a white
or a colored man. Whether I was pursued or not I
am unable to say. I walked by day and rested at
night.

I passed people working in the fields, and once I
heard one ask another, " Do you think that is a white
man ? " I took no notice of this, and walked on. At
one time I met a man on horseback who stopped and
talked with me. I spoke so familiarly of this great
man and of that great man, and talked in so important
a way, that he did not dare ask me if I were a slave !
At one place, I was somewhat afraid of pursuit, and
there seemed to be some suspicions entertained in re-
gard to me. I walked away from the town on the bank
of the river and prayed to the Lord for deliverance.

78 the refugee; or a

Just then a steamboat came along — she was bound
for Pittsburg. I got a passage on board. The cook,
who was a very black man, asked me " if I was free ? "
I told him that I had heard of a man in Maryland who
got rich by minding his own business, and that he
would find it for his own interest to attend to his own
affairs. However, I found little difficulty in reaching
the frontier and crossing the line.

I have travelled in Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky,
and Tennessee. If a man says slavery is a good insti-
tution, he might as well say there is no God — only a
devil. Slavery is like the bottomless pit. You hear
people say to the negro, " Why don't you accomplish
something ? " You see the colored men, their faces
scarred and wrinkled, and almost deprived of intelli-
gence in some cases, — their manliness crushed out;
stooping, awkward in gait, — kept in entire ignorance.
Now, to ask them why they do n't do some great thing,
is like tying a man or weakening him by medicine, and
then saying, " Why don't you go and do that piece of
work, or plant that field with wheat and corn ? " Slavery
is mean. The slaveholders want their slaves for pocket-
money. The slaves are their right hand to do their
work.

HENRY ATKINSON.

I belonged in Norfolk, Va., from birth until thirty-
four years of age. I never saw my owner, but when I
was a little boy. I was hired out by the year by an
agent of my owner. Sometimes I was well cared for,
sometimes not, according to the man's disposition that
employed me. There was one man who was a kind

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 79

hearted man, who hired me nine years of the time. He
treated me well, giving me enough to eat, drink, and
wear, and a quarter of a dollar every Saturday night to
support my wife. She lived in the city, being a slave :
I could not see her when I wished always, — sometimes
I was not permitted to see her. The way we were
married was, a few words were read out of a book ; no
license was granted, as to free people. During all these
nine years, my mind was continually running upon this,

— how am I to get out of this bondage ? — for, as well
as I was used, I felt that I was under a hard bondage.
I studied upon it long. I have lain awake more than
half the night, many a time, studying on that one thing

— should I ever be able to get clear ? But I could not
see my way out.

At one time I was hired out to a man whose treat-
ment of me was very bad. Many times I would be
sick and could scarcely hold up my head : this man
would do nothing for me on the plea that it belonged
to the agent to do it, — the agent would say it was not
his duty, but my employer's, — and so I suffered from
neglect. If neither of them would help me, I had no-
where to go for relief. He would allow me no money :
if I wanted a few cents for myself or my wife I had to
work nights to earn them.

I had no chance to learn to read or write. The agent
never came near me to see if I were well used or abused
by the people who hired me. All I ever saw of him
was when the year was up and he came to get his
money. Excepting the nine years' time I have spoken
of before, I was put up in the ring and let to the high-
est bidder, — I was hired out, did the work, and others
got the money, — that was mean and hard too.

In regard to religious instruction, I was allowed to

80 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

go to church on Sunday, to a white clergyman — no
colored preacher being allowed in Norfolk. We call
some colored men, ministers, but they read nothing from
the Bible — they exhort a little sometimes, — but 't is n't
preaching. The white clergymen don't preach the
whole gospel there. Since I have been here, I have
heard the passage about the fast that the Lord hath
chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the
heavy burdens, to let the oppressed go free, and that ye
break every yoke. I never heard that down South. If
a colored man were to say it, he 'd have the handcuffs
put on quick, — if a white man were to say it, he 'd
have to leave, because they 'd say he was " putting too
much into the niggers' heads." I 've seen white children
driven away from among the colored, when they said
something the old folks did not like, because it was
" putting something into the nigger's head."

I was a member of the First Baptist church. I heard
the white minister preach, and I thought within myself,
I will seek a better world above, — here I am in bond-
age, and if there is a better world above where I shall
not be pulled and hauled about and tormented as I am
in this, I will seek it.

The person I termed my owner was a woman who
removed to England, and lived in London. When I
was about twenty years old, I heard of her death, and
that she had made a will leaving all her slaves, fifteen
in number, free ; and that the property and money which
had belonged to her, was to be divided amongst us. I
was told so by a white person — a lawyer. But she
had one son living in Calcutta. He was written to,
to find out who were the heirs to these people and this
property. He returned word that he had no heirs for
the people and property, and that he did not want

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 81

them, — but that he wished them to do what his mother
requested — liberate the slaves, give them the property,
and let them go where they pleased. My employer
told me and my fellow-servants — all relatives of mine
— that we should have our time, — but still we were
hired out. He kept feeding us with the tale that we
should have our time, and still kept hiring us out. This
was done to keep us from running away.

By and by, to blind us, the agent told us that my
mistress' son was dead, and that we had fallen to his

nearest relations, Mr. W , of Philadelphia, and Mr.

M , of Washington : but they were no more his

relations than that lamp. Mr. W. and Mr. M. came to
Norfolk, and« actually divided us as equally as they
could. The family consisted of two sisters with seven
children each, and an uncle. In the division, I was
taken from my mother's family, and put with my aunt's,
and with them fell to Mr. M. We still remained in
Norfolk, but it grieved me so that I knew not what to
do to think that I was so robbed. For my mistress,
when I was a little boy, sat at the table with me, and
she put her hand on my head and said, " My poor little
servant, you shall never serve any one after I am dead,
but shall have enough to live on the rest of your days."
To remember this, and that she had died and left it in
her will as she had said, and then to be cheated out of
it, grieved me so, that I knew not how to bear it. I
was hired out a short time, but expected every day to
be carried up to Washington.

At last, I found an opportunity to escape, after study-
ing upon it a long time. But it went hard to leave my
wife; it was like taking my heart's blood: but I could
not help it — I expected to be taken away where I
should never see her again, and so I concluded that it

82 THE REFUGEE I OR A

would be right to leave her. [Here Atkinson's eyes
filled with tears.] I never expect to see her again in
this world — nor our child.

I reached Canada about a year ago. Liberty I find
to be sweet indeed.

I think slavery is the worst and meanest thing to be
thought of. It appears to me that God cannot receive
into the kingdom of heaven, those who deal in slaves.
God made all men — He is no respecter of persons —
and it is impossible that he should, on account of my
color, intend that I should be the slave of a man, be-
cause he is of a brighter skin than I am.

WILLIAM GROSE.

I was held as a slave at Harper's Ferry, Va. When
I was twenty-five years old, my two brothers who were
twelve miles out, were sent for to the ferry, so as to
catch us all three together, which they did. We were
then taken to Baltimore to be sold down south. The
reason was, that I had a free wife in Virginia, and they
were afraid we would get away through her means.
My wife and two children were then keeping boarders ;
I was well used, and we were doing well. All at once,
on Sunday morning, a man came to my house before I
was up, and called me to go to his store to help put up
some goods. My wife suspected it was a trap : but I
started to go. When I came in sight of him, my heart
failed me ; I sent him word I could not come. On
inquiry in a certain quarter, I was told that 1 was sold,
and was advised to make my escape into Pennsylvania.

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 83

I then went to my owner's, twelve miles, and remained
there three days, they telling me I was not sold. The
two brothers were all this time in jail, but I did not
then know it. I was sent to the mill to get some offal,
— then two men came in, grabbed me and handcuffed
me, and took me off. How I felt that day I cannot
tell. I had never been more than twenty miles from
home, and now I was taken away from my mother and
wife and children. About four miles from the mill, I
met my wife in the road coming to bring me some
clean clothes. She met me as I was on horseback,
handcuffed. She thought I was on the farm, and was
surprised to see me. They let me get down to walk
and talk with her until we came to the jail : then they
put me in, and kept her outside. She had then eight
miles to go on foot, to get clqthes ready for me to take
along. I was so crazy, I do n't know what my wife
said. I was beside myself to think of going south. I
was as afraid of traders as I would be of a bear. This
was Tuesday.

The man who had bought us came early Wednesday
morning, but the jailer would not let us out, he hoping
to make a bargain with somebody else, and induce our
owners to withdraw the bond from the man that had
us. Upon this, the trader and jailer got into a quarrel,
and the trader produced a pistol, which the jailer and
his brother took away from him. After some time, the
jailer let us out. We were handcuffed together : I was
in the middle, a hand of each brother fastened to mine.
We walked thus to Harper's Ferry : there my wife met
me with some clothes. She said but little ; she was in
grief and crying. The two men with us told her they
would get us a good home. We went by the cars to

84 the refugee; ok a

Baltimore — remained fifteen days in jail. Then we
were separated, myself and one brother going to New
Orleans, and the other remained in B. Him I have not
seen since, but have heard that he was taken to Geor-
gia. There were about seventy of us, men, women,
and children shipped to New Orleans. Nothing espec-
ial occurred except on one occasion, when, after some
thick weather, the ship came near an English island:
the captain then hurried us all below and closed the
hatches. After passing the island, we had liberty to
come up again.

We waited on our owners awhile in New Orleans,
and after four months, my brother and I were sold to-
gether as house servants in the city, to an old widower,
who would not have a white face about him. He had
a colored woman for a wife — she being a slave. He
had had several wives whom he had set free when he
got tired of them. This woman came for us to the
yard, — then we went before him. He sent for a
woman, who came in, and said he to me, " That is
your wife. I was scared half to death, for I had one
wife whom I liked, and didn't want another, — but I
said nothing. He assigned one to my brother in the
same way. There was no ceremony about it — he
said " Cynthia is your wife, and Ellen is John's." As
we were not acclimated, he sent us into Alabama to a
watering-place, where we remained three months till
late in the fall — then we went back to him. I was
hired out one month in a gambling saloon, where I
had two meals a day and slept on a table ; then for
nine months to an American family, where I got
along very well ; then to a man who had been mate of
a steamboat, and whom I could not please. After I

NORTH-BIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 85

had been in New Orleans a year, my wife came on and
was employed in the same place, (in the American
family).

One oppression there was, my wife did not dare let
it be known she was from Virginia, through fear of
being sold. When my master found out that I had a
free-woman for a wife there, he was angry about it, and
began to grumble. Then she went to a lawyer to get
a certificate by which she could remain there. He
would get one for a hundred dollars, which was more
than she was able to pay : so she did not get the certifi-
cate, but promised to take one by and by. His hoping
to get the money kept him from troubling her, — and
before the time came for her taking it, she left for a dis-
tant place. He was mad about it, and told me that if
she ever came there again, he'd put her to so much
trouble that she would wish she had paid the hundred
dollars and got the certificate. This did not disturb me,
as I knew she would not come back any more.

After my wife was gone, I felt very uneasy. At
length, I picked up spunk, and said I would start. All
this time, I dreamed on nights that I was getting clear.
This put the notion into my head to start — a dream
that I had reached a free soil and was perfectly safe.
Sometimes I felt as if I would get clear, and again as
if I would not. I had many doubts. I said to myself
— I recollect it well, — I can't die but once ; if they
catch me, they can but kill me: I'll defend myself as
far as I can. I armed myself with an old razor, and
made a start alone, telling no one, not even my brother.
All the way along, I felt a dread — a heavy load on me
all the way. I would look up at the telegraph wire, and
dread that the news was going on ahead of me. At
one time I was on a canal-boat — -it did not seem to go

8

86 the refugee; or a

fast enough for me, and I felt very much cast down
about it ; at last I came to a place where the telegraph
wire was broken, and I felt as if the heavy load was
rolled off me, I intended to stay in my native country,
— but I saw so many mean-looking men, that I did
not dare to stay. I found a friend who helped me on
the way to Canada, which I reached in 1851.

I served twenty-five years in slavery, and about five
I have been free. I feel now like a man, while before
I felt more as though I were but a brute. When in
the United States, if a white man spoke to me, I would
feel frightened, whether I were in the right or wrong;
but now it is quite a different thing, — if a white man
speaks to me, I can look him right in the eyes — if he
were to insult me, I could give him an answer. I have
the rights and privileges of any other man. I am now
living with my wife and children, and doing very welL
When I lie down at night, I do not feel afraid of over-
sleeping, so that my employer might jump on me if he
pleased. I am a true British subject, and I have a vote
every year as much as any other man. I often used
to wonder in the United States, when I saw carriages
going round for voters, why they never asked me to
vote. But I have since found out the reason, — I know
they were using my vote instead of my using it — now
I use it myself. Now I feel like a man, and I wish to
God that all my fellow-creatures could feel the same
freedom that I feel. I am not prejudiced against all
the white race in the United States, — it is only the
portion that sustain the cursed laws of slavery.

Here 's something I want to say to the colored peo-
ple in the United States : You think you are free there,
but you are very much mistaken : if you wish to be
free men, I hope you will all come to Canada as soon

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 87

as possible. There is plenty of land here, and schools
to educate your children. I have no education myself,
but I do n't intend to let my children come up as I did.
I have but two, and instead of making servants out of
them, I '11 give them a good education, which I could
not do in the southern portion of the United States.
True, they were not slaves there, but I could not have
given them any education.

I have been through both Upper and Lower Canada,
and I have found the colored people keeping stores,
farming, etc., and doing well. I have made more
money since I came here, than I made in the United
States. I know several colored people who have be-
come wealthy by industry — owning horses and car-
riages,— one who was a fellow-servant of mine, now
owns two span of horses, and two as fine carriages as
there are on the bank. As a general thing, the colored
people are more sober and industrious than in the
States : there they feel when they have money, that
they cannot make what use they would like of it, they
are so kept down, so looked down upon. Here they
have something to do with their money, and put it to a
good purpose.

I am employed in the Clifton House, at the Falls.

DAVID WEST.

I came from King and Queen county, Va., where I
left a wife and four children. I was treated well — 1
paid my master two hundred dollars a year, and acted
honorably all through the time I remained there. My

88 the refugee; or a

master died, and I heard that I was to be sold, which
would separate me from my family, and knowing no
law which would defend me, I concluded to come
away.

When my master died, I made his coffin and buried
him. I am a carpenter, and well known in King and
Queen county. I did not believe that slavery was
right, but as I was born there, and had a family there,
I tried to content myself to remain, and should prob-
ably have done so, but for the dread of being sold south.
My mistress told me that I was not to be sold, and my
master's brother told me the same, — but I had seen
him carry away my father, sister, and aunt to Alabama
to be sold : my father being then sixty years old. When
he returned, I asked him " what he had done with my
father ? " — all he said was, " Sir ? " and that was all
the answer he made me. Of course I could not believe
him, when he said I was not to be sold : for he had
fooled my father with the story that he was going to
remove to Alabama himself. Gentlemen in the neigh-
borhood told me I was going to be sold.

When I left, I told my purpose to no one. I studied
a plan by which I might get away, and I succeeded.

I am now in Canada doing well at my trade, and I
expect to do yet better. My only trouble is about my
wife and family. I never should have come away but
for being forced away.

A Baptist preacher told me once, when I was work-
ing for him, that there was no country in the world
equal to Virginia. My answer was, " Yes, I believe it
is the greatest country in the world : for one third of
the people are doing nothing, and the other two thirds
are working to support them." He then spoke of some-
thing else.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 89

My family are perpetually on my mind. I should be
perfectly happy if I could have my wife and the four
children. If my wife had known it, and had said half
a word, I should have stayed to the moment of being
sold.

I look upon slavery as a disgrace, and as breaking
the laws of God : that no man can keep the laws of
God and hold to slavery. I believe my own master
was as good a man as there is in the whole South : I
loved him in health, and I loved him in death, — but I
can read the Bible, and I do not see any thing there by
which he could be justified in holding slaves : and I
know not where he has gone to.

It is a common remark that they have a right to hold
the slaves, because they were given them by their fa-
thers,— justifying their own sins by those of their fathers :
would it excuse them for stealing or drinking, to say
that their fathers were thieves and drunkards ?

I was taught, secretly, to read, but never taught to
write : I feel that I have been wrongfully deprived of
the knowledge of writing. I could have done better
for myself every way had I known how to write.

I was led to religious knowledge, by hearing old col-
ored people talk, and by the preaching I heard. I was
constrained to seek repentance, was converted, and
joined the Pokaroan church, [Baptist]. I used to par-
take of the sacrament after the whites had had their
communion. We could have no night meetings with-
out fear of the patrols, who would lash those they could
catch during or after service.

I wish well to the members of that church ; and, al-
though my name is now taken off the records with
scorn, I have done nothing wrong, nor have I offended
my Maker by the course I have pursued. I hope to

8*

90 the refugee; or a

meet them in heaven with the hundred and forty and
four thousand whom John saw in Mount Sion (or the
New Jerusalem), where we all shall meet and no more
to part.

We shall never be able to meet in that city holding
that which does not belong to us.

I want to ask the southern people if their own con-
sciences do not tell them it is wrong to hold slaves,
knowing that it is against the laws of God ?

I have seen the slaves to be underfed and half
clothed, and the masters would say they were well
taken care of. I have known this of three or four coun-
ties. I have known a slave to be sick, and to be neg-
lected until he was about to die, and then a great stir
would be made, — and if he died, they would say,
" The best nigger is dead," although when living, it
would seem as if he could do nothing to please them.
I have seen separations of families every year for many
years.

The slaveholders so far as I know are generally mean
people. I have been cheated by a rich slaveholder out
of half a bushel of corn in buying half a barrel. I
knew it and he knew it ; but he knew I would not dare
say any thing about it, — the law was such that he
could have me whipped, if I were to contradict him.
He was worth ten thousand dollars, and I was not worth
ten cents : I believe that trade was just as much right
as it is to hold slaves. I told some white people of this
before I left, and they cried out " shame ! "

I believe that if the slaveholders were to say, " Here,
boys, you are free ; you may go to work for me at so
much a day," — if 't was done all over the South, there
would be no trouble : 't would be no great credit to set
them free, for 't is no more than their duty.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 91

I have known slaves to be hungry, but when their
master asked them if they had enough, they would,
through fear, say " Yes." So if asked if they wish to
be free, they will say " No." I knew a case where there
was a division of between fifty and sixty slaves among
heirs, one of whom intended to set free her part. So
wishing to consult them, she asked of such and such
ones, if they would like to be free, and they all said
" No : " — for if they had said yes, and had then fallen to
the other heirs, they would be sold, — and so they said
" No," against their own consciences. But there will
be a time when all will be judged. The Lord, He
made us out of the dust of the earth, and He is the
greatest Judge of the earth, yet even He does not com-
pel us to serve Him : but among men, who are so frail,
the stronger takes the weaker by force, and binds them
slaves, and murders them.

These views I have not got since I left the South ;
they were in me all the time I was there. I have often
tried to love my minister and brethren in Pokaroan
church, but when I- heard them say, " Do unto others
as ye would that others should do unto you," and saw
what they were doing to their own brethren in Christ,
I thought with the disciples, " Who, then, can be
saved ? " I never knew in all my living in the South,
a colored man to separate a family of whites by sale or
in any way, but have often known this to be done by
the whites.

HENRY JACKSON.

I was born free at Chatham Four Corners, N. Y.
State. I was sent to school and learned to read and

92 the refugee: or a

write. My parents were free at the time of my birth,
but had been slaves under the old laws of New York.
At about the age of sixteen, my father bound me out

to a man named G , to remain till twenty-one, then

to receive two hundred and fifty dollars. G went

to California, where he remained over a year, and then
came back for his wife and children and me to take us
to that State. Then I went with him by railway and
by water : the vessel was a steamer, — took us into
some port, the name of which I do not know ; there

G and another man came on board, and asked me

to go up into the town, — it was a middling-sized town.
They took me to an auction room where were other
colored people, and I was sold at auction to the high-
est bidder for four hundred and fifty dollars. I thought
it a strange transaction, but I felt that I was in their
power, — I was among strangers, had no friends there,
knew it would be of no use to remonstrate, and so said
nothing. A man by the name of W. K. S. bought me.
I saw no papers passed, — there might have been. S.
said, " You are in my hands now, a*nd you must obey
my orders." I answered him nothing, — did not say a

word to him. As soon as I was sold, G left, and

I have not seen him since. I was taken into S.'s fam-
ily, and went to work for him and the family, doing
house-work, errands, etc. I was treated kindly, — had
enough of every thing, — his son gave me a little
change occasionally. My mind was all the time occu-
pied by the thought of my freedom, and I made up my
mind to escape on the first opportunity. I said nothing
to Mr. S. about my past life : he never said any thing
about setting me free. Whether he knew it was ille-
gal for G to sell me, I do not know. I had some

fears in regard to running away — fears that something

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 93

— I could not tell what — would be done with me. At
last I started on foot for Philadelphia, which I reached
in due time, without any trouble on the way, except
being worn out with fatigue.

I did not travel about much while in slavery : but
from my own experience of it, and from what I have
seen, I pronounce it a very great curse.

I think G 's conduct is mean. I think it would

be a good thing for him to be sold for a few years down
South, — I think that by the time he had been there
five years, he would be glad to set all the slaves free.

I think it necessary for all free people of color to be
on their guard.

I had the privilege of going to church every Sunday.
I belonged to the Methodist church before I went away,
as did my father and mother. Mr. S. was a member
of the same church with myself, — we heard the same
preaching and sat at the same communion table. The
colored people partook after the others had done. I
have not seen S. since I came away, and have no de-
sire to see him.

TORONTO.

The population of this wealthy, enterprising, and
beautiful city is estimated at forty-seven thousand, of
whom about one thousand are colored persons. Of
these no separate count is made in taking the census.
The greater part of the colored people reside in the
north-western section of the city. Their houses resem-
ble those of the same class of persons in St. Catharines:
but as they have not generally so extensive gardens,
more time can be allotted to the beautifying and gen-
eral care of their dwellings than in St. Catharines.

Many of the colored people own fhe houses in which
they dwell, and some have acquired valuable estates.
No distinction exists in Toronto, in regard to school
privileges. One of the students in the Normal School
was a fugitive slave, and colored youths are attending
lectures in the University. There are three churches
exclusively belonging to the colored people — a Bap-
tist and two Methodist churches. They are excluded,
however, from none of the churches, and in all of them
a few of the African race may be found.

The colored people in Toronto are, on the whole, re-
markably industrious. Their condition is such as to
gratify the philanthropist, and to afford encouragement
to the friends of emancipation everywhere. A portion

(94)

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 95

of them sustain a lyceum or debating club (which is
attended by both sexes) where debates are held, and
original essays are read. A large majority of the adult
colored people are refugees from the South. Several
of these furnished their testimony in regard to the insti-
tution under whose fostering care they were reared.
They gave their statements readily and with every ap-
pearance of truth. Their evidence is as reliable as any
which can be obtained. No longer dreading the lash,
they are free to utter their real sentiments, and to com-
municate 'their actual experiences. Some of the details
would appear too shocking for credence, were it not ad-
mitted on all hands, that the only limit to the cruelty
of a mean, ill-tempered, virtually irresponsible tyrant, is
the capacity for suffering with which the victims of his
malignity may be endowed. ,

Those who have been most cruelly treated and un-
justly used, are most likely to undertake an escape.
Those who have succeeded in the undertaking, there-
fore, may fairly be expected to give a very dark picture.
Ought slavery then, as a whole, to be condemned by
the evidence they present ? We answer, that every
slave is liable to the same maltreatment and abuse
from which the fugitives in Canada have escaped ; and
that an institution which holds such liabilities over the
heads of millions, and inflicts the most enormous evils
on many thousands, might as well be set aside.

Again, in forming a judgment of slavery as to its
merits and demerits, this testimony should receive at
least as much weight as a class of anecdotes so readily
chronicled, and so widely circulated, of individual slaves
who have manifested great attachment to their masters,
or refused to receive their freedom. The excellence
of pious masters who exhort and pray with their slaves

9b the refugee; or a

from the best of motives, is also deemed worthy of
record ; and if from such anecdotes, of slaves loving
slavery, and of the kindness of some masters, inferences
are drawn favorable to the continuance of slavery, facts
of the opposite class, although it is a more ungrateful
task to expose them, ought also to be fully stated, lest
humanity and benevolence be lulled to sleep over evils
which they should do their utmost to remove.

Let it not be understood, however, that in this work
we intend to make a selection of the most atrocious
cases of abuse. Any instances of kind, self-sacrificing
masters, or humane, benevolent overseers, will be men-
tioned at greater length and in greater fulness than
those of opposite character, to relieve, if possible, the
canvas which truth is reluctantly obliged to crowd
" with bitter and with black."

What is here incidentally said in regard to the narra-
tives of the fugitives in Toronto, applies with equal
force to all statements of fugitives in Canada West in
this work.

CHARLES HENRY GREEN.

I was a slave in Delaware from birth, until twenty-
three years of age : am now twenty-four. I never had
any religious or other instruction from my master. I
picked up a knowledge of reading, and some religious
knowledge among people where I was hired out, I
was well used — have been hit over the head with
chunks of wood, — hit over the back with a pitchfork
handle, but was never whipped with a cowskin.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 97

Slavery is horrid, I think if the slaves were set free,
they would readily go to work for money.

JAMES W. SUMLER.

Arrived in Canada, March 3, 1855. I came from
Norfolk, Va. ; was in bondage twenty-six years. I was
not sent to school — - never. My first master and mis-
tress gave me no religious instruction at all, nor any
other. I learned to read : the way was, I hid in a hay-
loft on Sunday, and got the younger white children to
teach me. I bought the book with a ninepence that a
man gave me for holding his horse.

My master was a Methodist. I used to get his horse
ready, and hold him when master was going to meeting,
but he never asked me to go. At twelve years, my first
master died and I was hired out. I was put to work
in a lumber-yard. I generally had enough to eat, but
was sometimes short for clothes.

My second master and mistress never gave me any
instruction about God, and Christ, and the Bible : they
used to object to my going to meetings. It was noth-
ing but come and go. They were Methodists. I was
never punished very severely, but I have seen servants
of the same family punished in various ways. I have
seen them tied down, stripped bare, and struck with
the paddle, bored with auger holes, until they could n't
walk straight. This was because they did not perform
the tasks assigned them. I consider the tasks given
them were such they could not perform them. I have
seen them tied up and whipped until the blood ran

9

98 THE REFUGEE I OE A

down to the ground. I have seen a man — Elick
Smith — so badly whipped with the cobble and cow-
hide, that he could not lie down any way. The use
of brine after whipping is very common.

After I got to years of maturity, and saw the white
people sitting in the shade, while I worked in the sun,
I thought I would like to be my own man. The first
that started me was, they sold my brother down south,
and I have not seen him since. I thought my chance
would come next, and so I put out.

A white man — a Baptist, used to preach to us. The
white people took the communion in the morning, and
we took it in the evening. The minister used to tell
us not to be disorderly on taking the sacrament — I
thought he was disorderly himself, for he kept slaves.

I left home at 2 p. M., and walked a very considerable
distance. Then I saw fit to remain concealed nine
months. Meanwhile I was advertised, and a reward
of $200 was offered for me. On seeing this I felt
somewhat troubled in mind, — at last I started, but I
had to run back to my hiding-place. A second time I
got very near a place where I would have been safe,
but I was pursued, and had again to put back. A third
time I was successful.

I enjoy myself here more than I did in slavery. I
believe that liberty is the true and proper state for the
colored man, and for every man. I came here with
nothing. I think I can make a living here, and am
disposed to try. I left slavery with the expectation
that I would have to work, and I am glad to get work.

I look upon slavery as wrong, and as a curse upon
the masters. I do not believe that there is any religion
in the masters. The slaves are not religious in conse-
quence of slavery ; they have often impediments in the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.. 99

way of their going to meetings. I believe that the
slaveholders know that that they are guilty in holding
slaves. If the slaves were all set at liberty, I think it
would be better for the slaves and for the slaveholders
too. The abolitionists have helped me a great deal.

PATRICK SNEAD.

I belonged in Savannah, Georgia. I am as white as
my master was, but I was born a slave. My first mas-
ter dying, I fell to one of the sons, who died when I
was about fifteen. He was a sporting character. He
had always promised my mother to give me my free-
dom at some time, — as soon as I could take care of
myself. I was sent to school a little while by mother,
so that I could spell quite well, — but I have lost it all.
My master gave me no religious instruction, but I was
allowed to attend a Sunday School for colored children.
I was put to the cooper's trade, which I learned in five
years. While my master lived I was well used. But
at length he was taken sick with consumption ; I at-
tended him, and took care of him. I said nothing to
him about my freedom, not feeling any great interest in
the matter at that time. I have good reason to believe
that he was persuaded not to set me free. At length
he departed this life.

After his death, the doctor's bill of three hundred
dollars had to be satisfied out of the estate. Other prop-
erty being deficient, I was given up, and was for one
day the property of the physician. I was then sold to
a wholesale merchant for five hundred dollars. The

100 the refugee; or a

merchant employed me about the store four years ; he
found me smarter than many others, and I had to work
hard, lifting heavy bales of goods. This lifting caused
me to wear a truss some time before I left. In the easi-
est time of the year, the summer, my working hours
were from 6 in the morning to 7 in the evening. In the
fall and spring I worked from 6 in the morning until 12
at night, the bales of goods being opened in the night :
in the winter from 6 to 6. I had plenty of food and
good common clothing. The merchant's manner of
address to me was generally pleasant : I had the priv-
ilege of going to church on Sundays, if I pleased.

He never on Saturday nights allowed me any money :
I liked female society as well as he did, and wanted
some spending money. I was not provoked to ask for
it by seeing others have money, but I felt that I ought
to be allowed something for my encouragement, after
performing so much hard labor. His answer was, that
he gave me enough to eat. I told him that he would
have to sell me, " for to work in this way I shall not."
He grinned and bore it.

About a year before this I had been attentive to a
young free- woman who lived with her aunt. One even-
ing, on leaving, the aunt cautioned me to tell Billy (a
boy on the place) to fasten the gate after me, as the
night before he had left it open. Accordingly, on com-
ing out, I said, " Billy, be careful to fasten the gate, for
you did not fasten it the night before." There was, as
I afterwards learned, a white man concealed behind a
tree close by, — he heard me, and fancied that what I
said was meant to hit him in some way ; for he mean-
while was, unbeknown to me, sustaining a peculiar
relation to the very girl that I was visiting. The next
day that man said he would buy me, if it cost him a

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 101

thousand dollars, so that he could give me a hundred
lashes. My master heard of this threat, — I heard of it,
and believe I told my master. Some days after I met
the man, told him what I had heard, — that it was a
mistake, — that I did not know he was behind the tree,
or that he had any thing to do with the person I was
visiting, and that I would not be in his way any further.
So it blew over.

After my talk with my master about the money, he,
remembering the affair just mentioned, went to that
party, and offered to sell me to him. Then the same
man who had made the threat to buy me, asked me if
I was willing to belong to him. I told him I would as
lief belong to him as to anybody, if he would allow me
a living chance. He told me that he would hire me out
at my trade of coopering, and provide me with tools.
He bought me — giving for me a woman and two chil-
dren, and a hundred dollars. I went to work as he had
promised. My task was eighteen barrels a week : I
could make more than twice as many, so then I began
to have money. My treatment was good.

I went on in this way four years ; then my colored
employer was going to Liberia, with a ship load of em-
igrants — free people of color. He bade me goodby,
and shook my hands ; at this I felt an anxious wish to
go with him, and from that moment I felt what liberty
was. I then told him, that I hoped one day to be my
own man, and if so, that I wished to go to Liberia.
He said, " I hope so, my son." He had baptized me,
and was pastor of the church to which I belonged.
After he left, I went on working nearly one year more,
with his partner, who had bought him out.

During this time my desire for liberty grew stronger
and stronger. I had spent my money as I went along.

9*

102 the refugee; or a

My master refused to buy me new tools after my old
ones were worn out- — said I dressed better than he,
and must buy tools for myself. I thought this ought
not to do, and I made up my mind, " it sha' n't do
either." I had now come to a resolution, and I started
for a land of liberty. I left in July, 1851, at 3 on a
Monday morning. I reached Canada safely, and had
no difficulty until two years had elapsed. Then I was
employed in the summer of 1853 as a waiter in the Cat-
aract House, on the American side of the Falls. Then
a constable of Buffalo came in, on Sunday after din-
ner, and sent the barkeeper into the dining-room for me.
I went into the hall, and met the constable,- — I had my
jacket in my hand, and was going to put it up. He
stepped up to me. " Here, Watson," (this was the name
I assumed on escaping,) " you waited on me, and I '11
give you some change." His fingers were then in his
pocket, and he dropped a quarter dollar on the floor. I
told him, "I have not waited on you — you must be
mistaken in the man, and I don 't want another waiter's
money." He approached, — I suspected, and stepped
back toward the dining-room door. By that time he
made a grab at me, caught me by the collar of my
shirt and vest, — then four more constables, he had
brought with him, sprung on me, — they dragged me
to the street door — there was a jam — I hung on by
the doorway. The head constable shackled my left
hand. T had on a new silk cravat twice round my
neck ; he hung on to this, twisting it till my tongue
lolled out of my mouth, but he could not start me
through the door. By this time the waiters pushed
through the crowd, — there were three hundred visitors
there at the time, — and Smith and Grave, colored
waiters, caught me by the hands, — then the others

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 103

came on, and dragged me from the officers by main
force. They dragged me over chairs and every thing,
down to the ferry way. I got into the cars, and the
waiters were lowering me down, when the constables
came and stopped them, saying, " Stop that murderer!"
— they called me a murderer ! Then I was dragged
down the steps by the waiters, and flung into the ferry
boat. The boatmen rowed me to within fifty feet of
the Canada shore — into Canada water — when the
head boatman in the other boat gave the word to row
back. They did accordingly, — but they could not land
me at the usual place on account of the waiters. So
they had to go down to Suspension Bridge ; they landed
me, opened a way through the crowd — shackled me,
pushed me into a carriage, and away we went. The
head constable then asked me " if I knew any person in
Lockport." I told him "no." Then, "In Buffalo?"
« No." " Well, then," said he, " let 's go to Buffalo —
Lockport is too far." We reached Buffalo at ten o'clock
at night, when I was put in jail. I told the jailer I

wished he would be so good as to tell lawyer to

come round to the jail. Mr. came, and I engaged

him for my lawyer. When the constables saw that,
pretending to know no one in Buffalo, I had engaged
one of the best lawyers in the place, they were aston-
ished, I told them that " as scared as they thought I
was, I wanted them to know that I had my senses
about me." The court was not opened until nine days;
the tenth day my trial commenced. The object was, to
show some evidence as if of murder, so that they could
take me to Baltimore. On the eleventh day the claim-
ant was defeated, and I was cleared at 10, a. m. After
I was cleared, and while I was yet in the court room, a
telegraphic despatch came from a Judge in Savannah,

104 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

saying that I was no murderer, but a fugitive slave.
However, before a new warrant could be got out, I was
in a carriage and on my way. I crossed over into Can-
ada, and walked thirty miles to the Clifton House.

This broke up my summer's work at the Falls, and
threw me back ; and as I had to pay money to my law-
yer, I have hardly got over it yet.

There is great difference in the modes of treating
slaves on the plantations, according to the character of
the owners, — I have seen enough of slave life to know
this, and I have seen slaves in Savannah used as badly
as any on the plantation. I saw a man in Savannah,
who had been whipped severely, and thrust into a dark
hole or dungeon in a cellar. The maggots got in his
flesh, and he was offensive to the sense in consequence.
When they turned him out, I saw the man, and saw the
maggots in his flesh. I knew a Methodist minister, on
Street, who had a colored woman for cook. Some-
thing which her mistress told her to cook did not suit.
The mistress complained to the minister ; he shut up
the cook in a stable or barn and beat her, having first
tied something over her mouth.

At one time, I resided with the family in the jail-
building. While there, I used to see whipping, five or
six a day, or more, with a large -cowskin. It is the
most common thing in the world to have them whip-
ped in the jail, — that will be no news in Savannah, —
not over thirty-nine lashes in one day, by law. Some-
times slaves are whipped in the guard-house.

I consider that the slaves in Savannah, where I was
born and raised, are poor ignorant creatures : they don't
know their condition. It is ignorance that keeps them
there. If they knew what I know, they could not be
kept there a moment. Let a man escape, and have but

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 105

a month's freedom, and he will feel the greatest ani-
mosity against slavery. I can't give slavery any name
or description bad enough for it.

CHAKLES PEYTON LUCAS.

My name in slavery was Peyton Lucas ; I changed
my name in running, to Charles Bentley.

I was raised in Leesburg, Loudon county, Va. My
master never sent me to school, nor gave me any in-
struction from the Bible, excepting one passage of
Scripture which he used to' quote to me, — " He that
knoweth his master's will, and doeth it not, shall be
beaten with many stripes." He was a Baptist Minister
— and after he had quoted the text, he would take me
to the barn-yard and give me a practical explanation
with raw hides. My mistress used to beat me over the
head with a dairy key about as big as a child's fist.

I was kept mostly at the quarters until twelve or
thirteen, wearing nothing in the summer but a coarse
crocus shirt. Many a time have I taken it by the two
ends, and pulled it round a post to break down the
sticks. When I was taken to the house, my mistress
used to find fault with me before him. " Oh, I can't
stand this ! " Then he would give me a kick or two in
the house, then take me to the barn-yard, and finish it
off with the cowskin. Both before and after, he would
reason with me, — " now, you know better than to ag-
gravate your mistress as you do, for you 've often heard
me read, " He that knoweth," etc. I used to hear him
preach. While the whipping was going on and he was

106 THE REFUGEE I OR A

quoting Scripture, I thought of another way, — I yelled
until the people and children climbed up and looked
over the fence or peeped through, to see what was go-
ing on : so he gave it up. Then he gave me a note to
carry to the overseer, and he followed after me. I went
a short way, delivered the note and was off before he
got there. He appeared to feel ashamed that I had
circumvented him. Thus things went on for a year or
two. My mother and myself came by the mistress, —
my master thought more of his slaves than of her's.

One day my brother was playing with one of the
boys of his side of the house. There was a dog there,
which, when you said, " Help, Bull," would take hold of
.anybody. My brother said " Help, Bull," and the dog
nipped the other boy. On the next morning, Saturday,
the overseer, a good Baptist brother, told my master of
the fray, whereupon he dismounted, (he was just starting
for a place where he was to preach next day,) tied up the
boy, and laid twenty-five lashes on his bare back with
a cowskin : then he turned to the overseer, — my mother

was there and heard him, — " Brother , take your

satisfaction out of the dog, (meaning my brother,) and
then let him down." Upon this, he mounted his horse
and went off a preaching. At night, my brother went
to the stable, took the halter from a very valuable
horse, broke or divided it, leaving the pieces on the
floor, and broke the doors, to make it appear that the
horse had got loose ; then he took the horse and ran
away. Being a wagoner, and well acquainted, he was
accosted by flour merchants on his way, about bringing
flour on the morrow. He rode that horse forty miles
before daylight. He got off clear. My master recov-
ered his horse in Baltimore, after a great deal of trouble.
-He then stamped his foot in anger, and told us all to

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 107

go. He had, some little time before this, sold my other
brother, my sister, and her two children into Georgia.

At fifteen, I was hired out to the blacksmithing busi-
ness. I served at it five years, and was then hired out
as a journeyman, my Reverend master taking my wa-
ges. I worked out five or six years, and was well fed,
well clothed, and well used. I enjoyed life then very
well, and had many privileges : nor did I run away for
either fear of my master, or of the man I lived with,
nor in consequence of ill treatment.

My sister worked in the house where I lived. My
master had come into the shop where I worked, bring-
ing a stranger with him, and they had talked with my
employer. On inquiry of her, she told me that the
stranger had dined there, and that while she was clear-
ing away the table, she heard master say, " I won't
take less than fifteen hundred dollars ; he is a first-rate
blacksmith." We knew it meant me, as I was the
only blacksmith on the place. This was in 1841.

In one week's time I started for the North with two
companions ; but it was cock-crowing before we reached
the Potomac ; so we went on a hill, and hid until the
next (Sunday) night. Then we came down, and tied
our provisions into bundles on our backs, and started
for Potomac river, — whether to wade it, swim it, or
get drowned, we knew not. We waded and swam,
changing our ground as the water deepened. At last
we reached the opposite bank in Maryland : we merely
stopped to pour the water out of our boots, and then
travelled on all wet, until morning : then we hid in the
bushes. We travelled by night and concealed ourselves
by day, for ten days and nights, suffering greatly from
hunger and from rain, without shelter. One day in
September, we sat on a mountain, exposed to a hot,

108 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

broiling sun, and without food or drink. We could hear
people at their work about us, but we did not dare ask
for aid. For three days, we had neither food nor drink,
excepting green corn. We sucked the juice for drink,
and the corn itself was our only food. The effect of
this was to weaken us very much.

One night we came to a farmer's spring-house, — I
broke the lock and got a good pan of milk, but before
I could find any thing else, the dogs began to bark, so
that we had to hurry off. We quaffed the milk with a
good relish and it did us a deal of service. We drank
at times muddy water from horse tracks : on one occa-
sion, we were run very severely by dogs and men, but
we got away from them. One morning between two
and four o'clock, we came to a white man tending a
lime-kiln, — he was asleep. We knew nothing of the
way ; so we concluded to awaken him, and ask the
way, and if he tried to stop us, or have us caught, that
we would kill him and throw him into the kiln. We
awoke him and told him that our harvesting was done,
and we were hunting for work, as we had two days to
work in. He did not believe it, — said we were runaways.
I took out my pistol, cocked and capped it, and the
others produced, one a bayonet, and the other a bowie
knife. The man approached us, saying still we were
runaways. Had he offered to touch us we would have
killed him, but he proved to be the best friend we had
ever had. He told us our way, and regretted that he
had no food. Said he, " If you travel on, by day-light
you will cross Mason and Dixon's line, and get among
the Dutch. Keep away from the big road, walk near
it, but not in it, — walk in the daytime, but keep in
the woods." We followed his directions, and at ten
o'clock, next morning, we reached a Dutchman's house.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 109

The man was out, — but the woman and girls set the
table. We ate all they had in the house, — I ate till I
was ashamed. The good woman told us to avoid
Shippensburg, as six had been carried back from there
just before. She told us, if anybody questioned us, to
say that we were going to Horse Shoe Bottom camp
meeting on the Susquehanna. We did accordingly,
and soon struck the track of the underground railroad,
which we followed into the northern free States.

At , I went to work on a building. One day

a druggist came to me, and said an advertisement de-
scribing me was in the tavern, — "tawny colored man,
tall, spare, and of a pleasing countenance when spoken
to, and he works at blacksmithing. No scars recol-
lected, except one on his neck. Any person who will
return him to me, or lodge him in jail, so that I can
get him, shall have a reward of five hundred dollars."
My friends advised me to remove further. I worked
in Geneva, N. Y., until the passage of the fugitive
slave law, when my friends advised me to go to Can-
ada, with which advice I complied, at a great sacrifice,
on account 'of some property which I was trying to
buy.

I feel that I am out of the lion's paw, and I feel that

THERE IS NO CURSE ON God's EARTH, EQUAL TO SLAVERY.

I think that emancipation ought to be so arranged,
as that the sick and infirm should be taken care of by
those who have had the benefit of their labor. Provis-
ion for education ought also to be made. It would
take a generation to accomplish this : but the practical
mode of emancipating ought to be planned by the
South.

10

110 ?he refugee: or a

BENEDICT DUNCAN.

I was a slave in Maryland, twenty-eight years. My
father taught me my letters, and I had sometimes the
privilege of going to the Sunday school, where I was
further taught by a white teacher, and I read through a
spelling-book. My father had a few other books and
I had help from him in learning to read them. . I re-
ceived religious instruction in the Sunday school. My
master and mistress belonged to the Presbyterian
church, but never gave me any insight into their doc-
trines. I became a Methodist. My master had no
overseer, — was boss himself. We considered him not
so good as the generality of masters. Sometimes I
did not get enough to eat, nor have clothes enough to
make me comfortable. I could get straw enough, but
I never had any bed, — wore the same clothes at night
that I wore by day, the whole week. The other hands
were not so well used, — ■ the truth is, I was rather
ahead of them. They used to get whipped with hick-
ories or a club : I never had any severe punishment.

I left through fear of being sold, as my master's busi-
ness was going down hill. I experienced no trouble in
getting off. I walked one hundred and fifty miles of
the way. I remained in the States four months and
then came over here a short time since.

I had rather have a day free, than a week of life in
slavery : I think slavery is the worst evil that ever was.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. Ill

WILLIAM HOWARD.

I was raised in Baltimore county, Md. — was a slave
from birth, until twenty-seven years old. I had no
master, — my mistress was a widow lady. She gave
me no religious instruction, neither taught me to read
nor write — did n't want I should know any such thing
as that. She was kind to me, but I did n't hardly
thank her for it. I hired my time, giving her seven
dollars a month, although I could earn a great deal
more. The reason she did this was, she was afraid I
would come away : she never sold any of her servants.
I married a free-woman, and had two children there.*
My mistress died, and I was told that the farm was to
be sold. Upon this, I came away, and had no diffi-
culty in doing so. My wife and children followed.

I stopped a while in the free States, but came here
on account of my friends being here. I did not feel
concerned as regards the fugitive slave law.

Slavery made the colored people where I lived, very
unhappy. One thing was, they did not get enough to
eat or to wear — some I knew did not; I have known
that if some were not at work by daylight, they were
tied up and received a hundred and fifty lashes with a
raw hide, and then had brine put on their backs, and an
iron yoke put on their necks afterward, for fear^they
would run away. Frequently they would have no bed
to lie on. Sometimes when a young man and woman
were attached to each other, the masters would inter-
fere, and, may be, would sell one of the parties. I have
known children to be dragged away from their parents,
and wives from their husbands: that's no new thing

112 the refugee; or a

to me. I knew one man who had children by his slave,
a yellow girl, and then sold his own children.

My opinion is, that the yoke ought to be taken from
every man, and that every one should be loosed. It
looks quite strange to me when I look back into the
country where I was born, and see the state of things
there. If they would set the slaves free, they would go
to work and make a living. If any people can make a
living they can. All they want is a little education,
and something to start upon. I do not think the mas-
ters would incur any danger by setting the slaves free.
I thought it honorable to carry to my mistress the
money I earned : it seems to me now that she was not
honorable in taking it, if I was in giving it.

I expected to work for a living, go where I would. I
could not be stopped from working. Canada is the
best place that ever I saw : I can make more money
here than anywhere else I know of. The colored peo-
ple, taken as a whole, are as industrious as any people
you will find. They have a good deal of ambition to
go forward, and take a good stand in the community.
I know several who own houses and lands. They are
a very temperate people.

ROBERT BELT.

I came from Maryland, — I was in slavery about
twenty-five years. I had heard that there was a notion
of selling me. There was a mystery about it — some
saying that I was born free. A white man told me
that he thought I would be sold, as there was a dispute.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 113

111 about one month after, I came away. In one place
where I was concealed, I saw people from the neigh-
borhood hunting for me. I travelled more than a hun-
dred miles on foot, and suffered a great deal by getting
sore feet, and from cold and want of food.

I got work soon after my arrival here, which was
quite recent : since I have been here, I have prospered
well. My calculation is, to own a house and a piece
of land by and by. ,

I feel much better satisfied for myself since I have
been free, than when I was a slave : but I feel grieved
to think that my friends are in slavery. I wish they
could come out here. My wife came on with me from
an adjoining farm.

ELIJAH JENKINS.

Last winter I came away from Norfolk, Va. I am
thirty-six years of age.

My mistress, a young woman, died, and I fell to her
mother, an old woman. Knowing that on her death I
would have to be sold, I ran away, and did not meet
with much difficulty in doing so.

We are told in Norfolk that they would set us free,
but We could n't get along without them to take care
of us. But since I have got here, I find that colored
people do get along without masters, better than those
who are slaves.

I have no wish to go back, although I am sick. I in-
tend to get work, as soon as I am well enough.

Since I grew up to ba a man, slavery has never looked

10*

114 THE KEFUGEE ; OR A

to me right. It seemed hard when I had earned any
money to have to carry it to another man, when my
wife needed it herself. I have left a wife and five small
children. I had a good wife, and, if I could, would have
her and the children here this minute. I never heard
of a man running away from slavery to get rid of his
wife.

JOHN A. HUNTER.

I feel more like a man, — I feel that I am a man a
great deal more than I did a year ago. A year ago I
was in bondage.

I was raised in a city in Maryland, and was a slate
from birth until twenty years of age. The slaves in
cities are better treated than those on the farms and
plantations. When I was young, while my first master
lived, I was sent to a school for white children. My
mistress's sister kept the school, and I was allowed to
go to keep me out of the way. When I was about ten
years old, my first master died. My mistress married
again, and my new master said they ought not to have
sent me to school — that I knew too much any how.
So I was taken from school. I remained at home doing
work for the family. At fourteen, my master wished
to hire me out on a farm, but my mistress not giving
her consent, I remained in the city.

I heard from a colored man that I was going to be
sold ; afterward from a white man, that I was sold, and

that my master had the money in his pocket I

came away, and met no difficulty in reaching a land of

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 115

freedom. I now attend the Normal School, to get an
education if I can.

A great many slaves know nothing of Canada, —
they do n't know that there is such a country.

Whether the slaves as a body in the city are content-
ed or not, I am unable to say. I know that I myself
was discontented and unhappy in my servile condition.
My impression of those slaves with whom I associated
is, that they were dissatisfied. I have heard poor igno-
rant slaves, that did not know A from B, say that they
did not believe the Lord ever intended they should be
slaves, and that they did not see how it should be so.

I think that slavery is the greatest evil that ever
existed.

I consider that the efforts of the abolitionists for the
slaves are salutary.

SAM DAVIS.

I was in bondage, in Virginia, from birth until thirty
years of age. I have had no instruction at all. My
mistress used me only tolerably well — she used the
switch. At sixteen she began to hire me out at farm-
ing. I have worked on several different farms. Some-
times my employers would be good, sometimes bad :
three bad masters to one good one.

I have seen a great deal of punishments. My brother
and I were once set to breaking stone for a turnpike :
he stopped work to straighten up for a minute or two,
when the overseer threw a stone and hit him on the
ankle. My brother said, " If you have not any thing

116 THE REFUGEE : OR A

better to do than to throw stones, you had better go
home." For this he was tied up to a chestnut tree,
stripped, and whipped with hickories until his back was
raw. My brother's owner sued the man he was hired
to, and a white man who happened to be a witness,
swore that he counted a hundred laskes. The master
recovered, I believe, two hundred dollars and the doc-
tor's bill, but my brother received none of the money.
I have been whipped by different persons I have been
hired to : once with a cowhide, several times with hick-
ories, — not over thirty-nine lashes at one time.

The man I was last hired to did not give me enough
to eat, and used me hardly otherwise : I then thought I
would leave for a better country. I travelled on three
days and nights, suffering for want of food. When I
was passing through Orangetown, in Pennsylvania, I
went into a shop to get some cake. Two men followed
me with muskets. They had followed me from a vil-
lage I had passed through a little before. They took
me, and were going to carry me before a magistrate, —
they said to Chambersburg. I walked just before. By
and by, watching my chance, I jumped a fence and ran.
They were on horseback. I got into a piece of woods,
— thence into a wheat field, where I lay all day ; from
9, A. M. until dark. I could not sleep for fear. At night
I travelled on, walking until day, when I came to a col-
ored man's house among mountains. He gave me a
good breakfast, for which I thank him, and then directed
me on the route. I succeeded, after a while, in finding
the underground railroad. I stopped awhile at one
place sick, and was taken good care of. I did not stop
to work in the States, but came on to Canada. I ar-
rived here a few months ago.

I know that liberty is far preferable for every colored

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 117

man, to slavery. I know many who are very anxious
to be free, but they are afraid to start. Money is al-
most necessary to start with. When I set out, I had
seven dollars : it cost me five to get over a river on my
way. They knew I must cross, and they charged me
as much as they thought I could pay,

I have had work enough to support myself since I
have been here. I intend to work, and save all I can.

146 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

virtue. 1 have known many owners to have two or
three colored women for wives, and when they got a
white wife, keep all. If the slave, woman would not
comply she would be whipped, or else sold to the low-
est, meanest fellow he could find. Some of the mas-
ters have their slave children's hair shaved off, so that
people need not notice that they favor them. I have
known cases of this kind close by me in Mississippi.

LONDON.

This city contains twelve thousand inhabitants, three
hundred and fifty of whom are colored persons. Some
of the latter are among the most intelligent and respect-
able citizens ; but others do not improve their time and
opportunities as they ought. " The tyrant who held
their persons in the chains of slavery, stifled their souls
also in the rude grasp of ignorance and vice."

The common schools are open to all, without distinc-
tion of color. The Union School has an average daily
attendance of 184. On the 21st of June, 1855, when
the writer visited it, there were present 174 pupils of
both sexes, of whom 13 were colored. In the St.
George School, which has on some fortunate days, an
attendance of 190, but 4 colored children were present.

The principal reason for this neglect of common
school advantages by the colored people, is the preju-
dice of the whites. Many of the whites object to hav-
ing their children sit in the same forms with the colored
pupils ; and some of the lower classes will not send
their children to schools where the blacks are admitted.
Under these circumstances, it is unpleasant to the col-
ored children to attend the public schools — especially
if any of the teachers happen to be victims of the very
prejudice which they should induce others to overcome.

(147)

148 the refugee; or a

An interesting scene was presented in the school very
recently organized by Rev. M. M. Dillon, (late Rector
of Dominica,) and Mr. Ballantine, lay-assistant, under
the patronage of the English " Colonial Church and
School Society." Here were one hundred and seventy-
five pupils of both sexes in attendance, fifty of whom
were colored. The writer entered the school-room at
the hour of recess. The children were neat and cleanly
— not one wore the appearance of dejection ; all were
playing in the inclosure or amusing themselves in the
room, in the most perfect good-humor. There was no
separation into cliques, — black was playing with wrhite,
and white with black.

Rev. Mr. Dillon's mission is to minister to the spirit-
ual wants of the refugees, and to establish schools of a
high order, which shall afford religious and secular in-
struction especially to the children of fugitive slaves ;
the schools, however, to be free to all who may see fit
to profit by their advantages. Both the Rev. Mr. Dil-
lon and Mr. Ballantine are devoted friends of the negro
race. They have very capable assistants in two young
colored ladies from the West Indies.

At a signal, the scholars arranged themselves in
lines on the floor, and then filed to the parts of the
room allotted for recitations. Something of the moni-
torial system was observable ; and two or three colored
pupil-teachers attended to the reading from the Scrip-
tures, of as many classes, composed indiscriminately of
whites and blacks.

The " Colonial Church and School Society " is a
union and extension of the " Newfoundland School
Society," organized more than thirty years ago, and of
the " Colonial Church Society," which has existed about
twenty years. It is composed of the highest dignita-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 149

ries of Great Britain both in church and State. The
object of the Society is " to send Clergymen, Catechists,
and Schoolmasters to the Colonies of Great Britain,
and to British residents in other parts of the world."
" The religious instruction in all schools maintained
wholly or in part by the Society, shall be in the Holy
Scriptures, and (except in cases where the parents or
guardians of the children formally object) in the for-
mularies of the Church of England."

The accommodations for the Society's school in Lon-
don are found to be insufficient, as the numbers in at-
tendance are rapidly increasing. A new building is
shortly to be erected, which will afford ample room for
five hundred pupils. Five or six similar schools are to
be organized forthwith in other parts of the province.
This is a noble charity, and full of the most hopeful
auguries for the colored population of Canada.

The condition of the colored people in and about
London, may be gathered from the testimonies which
follow, given by those who are able to draw from their
own experience the contrast between slavery and lib-
erty.

ABY B. JONES.

I was formerly a field hand in Madison Co., Ky., —
remained there until thirty years of age. My treatment
was not harsh, — nor was there any hard treatment in
the neighborhood.

My brother was set free in this way : his master was
a millwright, and told him if he would serve him so
many years he would set him free. He did so, — mean-

13*

150 THE "REFUGEE ; OR A

while building a large merchant mill, and employing
my brother in it. My brother was subsequently em-
ployed in this mill as a miller and received high wages,
his employer thinking there never was such a man,
from his trustworthiness and the general confidence
he could repose in him. His good opportunities ena-
bled him to advance nearly money enough to free my-
self and a younger brother, — the deficiency we bor-
rowed, and afterward paid up. The sum paid for the
two was seven hundred dollars ; our master favoring us
in the price.

I was never sent to any school. Since I have been
free I have learned to read and write.

Yet, although I was nominally free, and had free pa-
pers, I did not consider myself free in the eye of the
law : the freedom was limited. The papers said I was
to have as much liberty as was allowed to a free man
of color. I saw at once that I was not really free ; that
there was a distinction made. I wished then to emi-
grate to some place where I could be really a free

MAN.

I heard that in Canada colored men were free ; there-
fore I came here, and am only sorry to say that I did
not come years before I did.

When I came here I was not worth one cent. I nei-
ther begged nor received a farthing of money. I went
to work at once, and, by the blessing of the Lord, I
was prospered, and have placed my family beyond the
reach of want.

I am satisfied, that any colored man coming to Can-
ada, can, in a few years, accumulate property to give
himself and family a living.

Slavery is, I believe, the most abominable system
that ever men were subjected to. Although my treat-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 151

ment was not severe, I never could form a good opin-
ion of slavery. I believe it ruinous to the mind of man,
in that it keeps the key of knowledge from him : it is
stupefying to man. I believe that all men should be
made free at once.

The future prospects of the colored people of Can-
ada are very favorable. All that is required of them
is, to use industry in common with white people. The
colored children and white children are educated to-
gether in this place, and I see as fair an advancement
in one as in the other.

The colored people usually attend divine service :
some in the same societies with the whites ; others
maintain separate churches. But I do not think it advis-
able to have separate churches. In this place the door
is open into all the churches of the denominations that
the colored people profess, therefore I think those lines
of distinction drawn by the colored people themselves
will soon be put down. 1 speak of London.

I think there is as much morality and temperance
among the colored people as among any others.

The amount required for supplying the wants of fu-
gitives is so small, that it is hardly worth talking about.
It can be silently raised in the towns by contribution,
without any stirring appeals to the public. Where
there is work to be done and money to pay for it, pe-
cuniary assistance does more hurt than good.

[Mr. Jones, whose testimony is given above, resides on Gray St. in
a brick dwelling-house, as good or better than the average of houses
in London. In front is a garden of choice flowers, and it has a well-
ordered kitchen garden in the rear. The estate, deducting the incum-
brance of ground-rent, is worth about four thousand dollars. Mr. J.
owns other property in various parts of the city, — a brick building,
in the business quarter, comprising two stores which rents for between
seven hundred and eight hundred dollars per annum, — and several

152 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

building lots in the immediate vicinity of the freight depot of the
Great Western Railway. Mr. J. is of unmixed African blood.]

ALFRED T. JONES.

I keep an apothecary shop on Ridout street. I be-
longed in Madison Co., Ky. I have made an arrange-
ment with my master to purchase my freedom for $350.
This was in 1833, when I was twenty-three years old.
But before the business was completed, I learned that
my master was negotiating with another party to sell
me for $400. Upon this, I wrote for myself a pass —
it was not spelled correctly, but nobody there supposed
that a slave could write at all. I had to exhibit it but
once on my way.

I stopped a month at St. Catharines, then came to
London, and have remained here ever since.

The people from the old country, being many of them
unaccustomed to colored people, have some strange
ideas respecting us : a sort of " second-hand prejudice,"
as Ward calls it. The majority of the people of color
who come over here are not such as give a very good
idea of what the people of color really are. They are
not refined and educated. But as some years are
passed since the colored men began to come in, there is
an improvement perceptible.

There are colored people employed in this city in
almost all the mechanic arts ; also in grocery and pro-
vision stores, etc. Many are succeeding well, are buy-
ing houses, speculating in lands, and some are living on
the interest of their money.

I expect to go to England shortly on a suit at law

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 153

involving my title to a large property on Dundas street,
valued at $45,000. The case has been through chancery
in the provincial court, and I have now appealed to the
House of Lords. I am winding up my business pre-
paratory to leaving.

NELSON MOSS.

I have lived in a slave State all my life until seven
years ago. I am now forty-five. I lived three years in
Pennsylvania, in which State I suffered more from pre-
judice than in Virginia, and there is a great deal here
in London, but not so much as in Pennsylvania. I got
along well, having energy to attend to business properly.
I carry on the boot and shoe business. I was never
sent to school in my life, and it is a loss to me not to
know how to keep accounts ; but I am able to employ
another to do it for me.

I did not leave Pennsylvania so much on account of
the prejudice, as on that of the fugitive slave bill. I
did not like to live in a country which was governed by
a partial law. I made considerable sacrifice in break-
ing up.

The laws here are impartial. We have access to the
public schools here, and can have our children educated
with the white children. If the children grow up to-
gether, prejudice will not be formed.

There are a large majority who are industrious ; a
few are wealthy ; a good many are well off. There are
not many who are dissolute and abandoned — not so
many in proportion as of the whites, taking every thing
into consideration. If there are some who are not so

154 the refugee; oh a

industrious as they should be, it is easily accounted for.
Solomon says, " Train up a child in the way he should
go, and when he is old, he will not depart from it." It 's
a bad rule that do n't work both ways : they have been
trained in a way they should not go. Accustomed to
be driven when they work, it is no wonder that they
do n't work so smartly as they would otherwise. But
in the face of this, I know many colored men who came
here fugitive slaves, who came here without any thing
to help themselves with, not even money for a night's
lodging, and who had nothing given to them, who now
have a house and land of their own. It is not necessary
to give a fugitive money — it may make him lazy and
dependent. All he needs to have given him is work.

Nearly all the grown colored people have been slaves.
Of course, they are not capable of instructing their
children well themselves, — but, under the free schools,
I am of opinion that we are progressing

FRANCIS HENDERSON.

I escaped from slavery in Washington City, D. C, in
1841, aged nineteen. I was not sent to school when a
boy, and had no educational advantages at all. My
master's family were Church of England people them-
selves and wished me to attend there. I do not know
my age, but suppose thirty-three.

I worked on a plantation from about ten years old
till my escape. They raised wheat, corn, tobacco, and
vegetables, — about forty slaves on the place. My
father was a mulatto, my mother dark ; they had thir-
teen children, of whom I was the only son. On that

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 155

plantation the mulattoes were more despised than the
whole blood blacks. I often wished from the fact of
my condition that I had been darker. My sisters
suffered from the same cause. I could frequently hear
the mistress say to them, "you yellow hussy! you yel-
low wench ! " etc. The language to me generally was,
»'go do so and so." But if a hoe-handle were broken
or any thing went wrong, it would be every sort of a
wicked expression — so bad I do not like to say what

— very profane and coarse.

Our houses were but log huts — the tops partly open

— ground floor, — rain would come through. My aunt
was quite an old woman, and had been sick several
years : in rains I have seen her moving about from one
part of the house to the other, and rolling her bedclothes
about to try to keep dry, — every thing would be dirty
and muddy. I lived in the house with my aunt. My
bed and bedstead consisted of a board wide enough to
sleep on — one end on a stool, the other placed near the
fire. My pillow consisted of my jacket, — my covering
was whatever I could get. My bedtick was the board
itself. And this was the way the single men slept, —
but we were comfortable in this way of sleeping, being
used to it. I only remember having but one blanket
from my owners up to the age of 19, when I ran away.

Our allowance was given weekly — a peck of sifted
corn meal, a dozen and a half herrings, two and a half
pounds of pork. Some of the boys would eat this up
in three days, — then they had to steal, or they could
not perform their daily tasks. They would visit the
hog-pen, sheep-pen, and granaries. I do not remember
one slave but who stole some things, — they were driven
to it as a matter of necessity. I myself did this, —
many a time have I, with others, run among the stumps

156 THE REFUGEE ', OR A

in chase of a sheep, that we might have something to
eat. If colored men steal, it is because they are brought
up to it. In regard to cooking, sometimes many have
to cook at one fire, and before all could get to the fire
to bake hoe cakes, the overseer's horn would sound:
then they must go at any rate. Many a time I have
gone along eating a piece of bread and meat, or herring
broiled on the coals — I never sat down at a table to
eat, except in harvest time, all the time I was a slave.
In harvest time, the cooking is done at the great house,
as the hands are wanted more in the field. This was
more like people, and we liked it, for we sat down then
at meals. In the summer we had one pair of linen
trousers given us — nothing else ; every fall, one pair of
woollen pantaloons, one woollen jacket, and two cotton
shirts.

My master had four sons in his family. They all left
except one, who remained to be a driver. He would
often come to the field and accuse the slaves of having
taken so and so. If we denied it, he would whip the
grown-up ones to make them own it, Many a time,
when we did n't know he was anywhere round, he would
be in the woods watching us, — first thing we would
know, he would be sitting on the fence looking down
upon us, and if any had been idle, the young master
would visit him with blows. I have known him to kick
my aunt, an old woman who had raised and nursed
him, and I have seen him punish my sisters awfully with
hickories from the woods.

The slaves are watched by the patrols, who ride about
to try to catch them off the quarters, especially at the
house of a free person of color. I have known the slaves
to stretch clothes lines across the street, high enough to
let the horse pass, but not the rider: then the boys

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 157

would run, and the patrols in full chase would be thrown
off by running against the lines. The patrols are poor
white men, who live by plundering and stealing, getting
rewards for runaways, and setting up little shops on the
public roads. They will take whatever the slaves steal,
paying in money, whiskey, or whatever the slaves want.
They take pigs, sheep, wheat, corn, — any thing trrat 's
raised they encourage the slaves to steal : these they
take to market next day. It's all speculation — all a
matter of self-interest, and when the slaves run away,
these same traders catch them if they can, to get the
reward. If the slave threatens to expose his traffic, he
does not care — for the slave's word is good for nothing
• — it would not be taken. There are frequent quarrels
between the slaves and the poor white men. About the
city on Sundays, the slaves, many of them, being fond
of dress, would appear nicely clad, which seemed to
provoke the poor white men. I have had them curse
and damn me on this account. They would say to me,
" Where are yon going? Who do you belong to ? " I
would tell them, — then, " Where did you get them
clothes? I wish you belonged to me — I'd dress you
up ! " Then I have had them throw water on me. One
time I had bought a new fur hat, and one of them threw
a watermelon rind, and spoiled the hat. Sometimes I
have seen them throw a slave's hat on the ground, and
trample on it. He would pick it up, fix it as well as he
could, put it on his head, and walk on. The slave had
no redress, but would sometimes take a petty revenge
on the man's horse or saddle, or something of that sort.
I knew a free man of color, who had a wife on a
plantation. The patrols went to his house in the night
time — he would not let them in ; they broke in and
beat him : nearly killed him. The next morning he

14

158 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

went before the magistrates, bloody and dirty just as he
was. All the redress he got was, that he had no right
to resist a white man.

An old slaveholder married into the family, who in-
troduced a new way of whipping, — he used to brag-
that he could pick a " nigger's " back as he would a
chicken's. I went to live with him. There was one
man that he used to whip every day, because he was a
foolish, peevish man. He would cry when the master
undertook to punish him. If a man had any spirit, and
would say, " I am working — I am doing all I can do,"
he would let him alone, — but there was a good deal of
flogging nevertheless.

Just before I came away, there were two holidays.
When T came home to take my turn at the work, mas-
ter wanted to tie me up for a whipping. Said he,
" You yellow rascal, I hate you in my sight." I resist-
ed him, and told him he should not whip me. He
called his son — they both tried, and we had a good
deal of pulling and hauling. They could not get me
into the stable. The old man gave up first — then the
young man had hold of me. I threw him against the
barn, and ran to the woods. The young man followed
on horseback with a gun. I borrowed a jacket, my
clothes having been torn off in the scuffle, and made for
Washington City, with the intention of putting myself
in jail, that I might be sold. I did not hurry, as it was
holiday. In about an hour or so, my father came for
me and said I had done nothing. I told him I would
return in the course of the day, and went in time for
work next morning. I had recently joined the Metho-
dist Church, and from the sermons I heard, I felt that
God had made all men free and equal, and that I
ought not to be a slave, — but even then, that I ought

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 159

not to be abused. From this time I was not punished.
I think my master became afraid of me ; when he pun-
ished the children, I would go and stand by, and look
at him, — he was afraid, and would stop.

I belonged to the Methodist Church in Washington.
My master said, " You shan't go to that church —
they '11 put the devil in you." He meant that they
would put me up to running off. Then many were
leaving ; it was two from here, three from there, etc.

— perhaps forty or fifty a week. — was

about there then. I heard something of this : master
would say, " Why do n't you work faster ? I know
why you don't; you're thinking about running off!"
and so I was thinking, sure enough. Men would dis-
appear all at once : a man who was working by me
yesterday would be gone to-day, — how, I knew not.
I really believed that they had some great flying ma-
chine to take them through the air. Every man was
on the look-out for runaways. I began to feel uneasy,
and wanted to run away too. I sought for information

— all the boys had then gone from the place but just
me. I happened to ask in the right quarter. But my
owners found that I had left the plantation while they
had gone to church. They took steps to sell me. On
the next night I left the plantation. At length I turned
my back on Washington, and had no difficulty in get-
ting off. Sixteen persons came at the same time — all
men — I was the youngest of the lot.

I enjoy freedom as all other hard-working men do.
I was broken up in Rochester, N. Y. by the fugitive
slave bill.

There is much prejudice here against us. I have
always minded my own business and tried to deserve
well. At one time, I stopped at a hotel and was going

160 the refugee; or a

to register my name, but was informed that the hotel
was " full." At another time, I visited a town on busi-
ness, and entered my name on the register, as did the
other passengers who stopped there. Afterward I saw
that my name had been scratched off. I went to
another hotel and was politely received by the landlady :
but in the public room — the bar — were two or three
persons, who as I sat there, talked a great deal about
" niggers," — aiming at me. But I paid no attention
to it, knowing that when " whiskey is in, wit is out."

MRS. FRANCIS HENDERSON.

I was born of a slave mother in Washington, D. C,
and was raised in that city. I was to be set free at
the age of thirty. When my old mistress died, I was
sold for the balance of the time to an Irish woman.
When I first went there, I was the only slave they had
ever owned ; they owned afterwards a man, a woman,
and a male child. The man went out to get some one
to buy him. He left word at the grocery : the grocer
was not particular to report the one who would pur-
chase him to the old man by himself, but let on before
the folks. This provoked the Irishman and his wife,
and as the old man was taking out ashes from an
ash-hole, the master went down, and as the slave raised
his head, the man struck him about the temple, with a
long handled scrubbing-brush. The old man never
spoke afterwards. I saw the blow struck. The old
man died the next morning. An inquest was held. I
was afraid, and told the jurymen I knew nothing about

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 161

it. The white girl said the boss was n't at home, —
she swore a false oath, and tried to make it out that
the old man fell and hit his head against the bake oven
door. The man was bound over, not to put his hand
on a servant any more. Mistress used to pinch pieces
out of the boys' ears, and then heal them with burnt
alum. She dared not do much to me, as my former
owners were in the city, and would not suffer barbarity.
Her husband was under bonds of two thousand dollars
to treat me well. But she treated the others so badly
that some of my friends told me I had better leave.

— was there then with some persons who

were going to travel north with him, and I joined them
and came away.

I like liberty, and if Washington were a free coun-
try, I would like to go back there, — my parents were
there. There are so many congressmen there that the
slaves are not treated so badly as in other parts.

JOHN HOLMES.

My name in slavery was John Clopton. I belonged
originally in Hanover Co., Va. My treatment was so
bad, I hate to say any thing about it. Slaves were not
allowed to open a book where I came from : they were
allowed to go to meeting, if the master gave them a
pass — some have that privilege, and some do not. My
owners never gave me a hat in the world, nor hardly
any clothes. When I got big enough, I worked nights
to get me a hat and some clothes. There was one
physician there, who I know as well as I know myself,

14*

162 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

who flogged one woman till the skin was off her back,
and then whipped the skin off her feet. One neighbor
of ours was worse than the evil one wanted him to be.
He used to make a married man get out of his bed in
the morning and he would go and get into it. What 1
have seen, I seldom say any thing about, because peo-
ple would not believe it, — they would not believe peo-
ple could be so hard-hearted. They whipped so much,
I couldn't tell any particular reason for it.

The horn would sound at the time the cocks crowed.
Then they all got up. When it blowed the second
time all had to start for the field : if any remained after
this, the overseer would go in and whip them. Day-
light never caught us in the house. Then the overseer
would get on his horse and ride to the field ; and if any
one came in after him, he would apply the lash — per-
haps fifty, perhaps a hundred. I have seen the women
jump for the field with their shoes and stockings in
their hands, and a petticoat wrapped over their shoul-
ders, to dress in the field the best way they could. The

head magistrate of that county (L J ) was

about the hardest of any of 'em. When I came away,
one of his men had maggots in his back. His brother

E was not so hard, — he was killed in a duel. Another

brother was very hard toward his wife, his slaves, and

everybody else. His name was B J- . He

was so bad he couldn't live any longer — he killed him-
self by drinking a quart of brandy from a case-bottle —
a case-bottle full. Next morning he was dead. This
was before I came away, and I left in 1825. I do n't
know my age. They don't tell the slaves any thing
about their age. There were but two that I known of,
who used their people any way decent.

There was a young T P who had overseers

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 163

who would kill his people with no more conscience than

one would kill a snake. T — — P was so bad he

wouldn't give his people Sunday. He had two or
three farms. On a Saturday night his people would
pack up, and travel Sunday to another farm, so as to
be ready for work Monday morning. He had one over-
seer named L— — , who called himself a bull-dog, and
said he could manage any " nigger." They allow eight
ears of corn for a horse at noon. A young man was

about feeding a horse ; L says, " How many ears

have you got ? " "I did n't count them." L

counted, — there were ten ears. Just for that L

seized a flail, and struck the young man breaking two
of his ribs — he hit him with the flail until he found
the young man was dying — then he sent for the doctor.
The doctor said, " What did you kill this man, and then
send for me for ? " I knew the young man and knew
the overseer.

The first time I was shot, my young master, Dr.

(who had married one of the girls) and I got into a
skirmish. I was in the kitchen before anybody was
up. He came in and wanted to know what I was
doing in the house ? Why I didn't go to work? He
says, " If you do n't go out and go to work, I'll give
you a hundred lashes. Go, get your hoe, and come up
to the house — I'll show you where you can hill up a
potato patch." I went, got my hoe and came back.
Then he had been to the stable, and got leading lines,
a whip, and his gun. He knew I would not let him
whip me, because I had always fought like a tiger when
they undertook it. The gun was to scare me, so as to
make me take off my jacket. He left the whip and
gun inside the door and said, " come in here." I had
not seen then the lines, whip, or gun. He took up the

164 the refugee; or a

lines, and came by me as if he was going out — when
he got near the whip and gun he turned — "take off
your shirt, I'll hit you a hundred lashes this morning."
It was because I had. not gone to work — that was all
the quarrel we had had that morning. I turned round
and faced him. " Pull off your shirt, you d — d rascal."
I said, " not to-day." The minute I said so, he snatched
up his gun, pointed it at my breast and said, " I'll shoot
you." I went towards him, opened my breast, and
said, " shoot away." My temper was raised — I meant
if he did not kill me, that I would kill him. It seemed
to daunt him. He said, " Stand yonr ground." I was
approaching him. Said I, "I've got no ground to
stand on." I was very near him, — he seized the whip,
and struck at me, but I was near enough to prevent
him from hitting. As he made a lick at me, I sprung
for the door. He thought I was going to seize him, and
dodged out of the way. I went out, took my hoe, and
was walking away. I had got mad, and couldn't run.
He called, " Stop, you d — d rascal." I told him I would
go away, and not come back while wind blew or water
run. I had not got far, and looked around, when I saw
him have the gun ; I saw the flash, and was peppered
all over with shot. I went off into the woods. The
shot did not bother me much, except one in the ball of
my thumb, which I got out some four or five years
after. I stayed in the woods all summer. They used
to hunt for me. I've seen them after me with dogs —
dogs could n't catch me. I used to watch when they
started and follow behind them. I used something on
my feet to keep dogs from taking a scent. At last they
told all the neighbors if I would come home, they
wouldn't whip me. I was a great hand to work and
made a great deal of money for our folks. I used to

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 165

tell them, if they whipped me, I would n't work. The
only fault they could find with me was, I would not be
whipped. The young master — this one I ran from —
used to say, " a man must be whipped, else he wouldn't
know he was a nigger" I finally went back.

I had a great many such scrapes with the overseers —
two or three with the masters. At last they said, " bet-
ter let him alone, he is a good hand to work." I would
not be whipped. One day an overseer, who thought he
was a better man than any of the others, came to me —
I was a leader, and was pulling corn. He took me by
the collar, and said I did not go fast enough — he would
" tie me up to the persimmon tree, and hit me a hun-
dred lashes ; " he meant to do it, because the others had
not made out to. I told him, "not to-day" — that's
what I always used to tell them. He called two dogs,
and they bit me in a great many places, — the marks of
their teeth are all about my knees, — then he called sev-
eral of the hands, but only one came up before I got
away from overseer, dogs and all. I had to fling off the

overseer, E E ; he went to the ground. I took

to the woods : I don 't know how long I stayed out that
time, but I have stayed in the woods all winter.

My young master had a bloodhound, very large and
savage. He would let no one come near him. At
night this dog was turned loose, and no negro could
come round the house, nor along the road. He would
not touch white people, — he was brought up so. At
one time they were repairing a chimney, — several loose
bricks were about the yard. One of the women and
myself were sent through the yard. The dog was
chained, and was enraged, because he could not get at
us : the master was standing in the yard. The dog
broke his collar : I saw him coming, and took up a half

166 the refugee; or a

brick. I knew the dog would spring for my throat, and
I took a position as for wrestling. When the dog
sprung, I threw up my left arm : the dog just got hold,
and I struck him on the side of his head with the brick
— he fell stunned, but I did not kill him. Young mas-
ter was laughing when he saw the dog springing about,
and when he saw him coming ; but when he saw the
dog fall, he ran out and struck at me with his fist. I
fended off, as I had pretty good use of my limbs then.
He then tried to kick me, but I caught his foot every
time. I told him, " You sha'n't strike me, and your dog
sha'n't bite me, ne'er a one." He then ran for his gun, so
ambitious, that his mother went to look, to see what he
was going to shoot at. She got to the door as quick as
he did : the gun was then pointed at me, but she seized
it and pulled it out of his hands, and told me to be
off quick. He was not of age when I came away. I
never saw such a set of fellows as our folks were : one
of them shot a dog, because he wouldn't come when he
called him. This one was accidentally killed one Sun-
day morning, by a gun in the hands of the overseer.
They were playing, and the gun went off at half cock,
and blew his brains out.

A A was a great overseer, who never went

on any plantation but what he whipped every man on
it. He bragged of it, and was called a great negro-
manager. There were two men and one woman, named
Betty, on the place, who, like me, would not be whipped.
They employed him to come on for overseer, because
he could make a great crop any how, by managing the
hands. When the new overseer comes, all hands are
called up and given over to him. I would not go up at
such times — once only I went into the yard.

A ordered all to meet him at the barn next morn-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 167

ing, to get orders where to go. Every thing went on
well till the middle of February, when we make plant-
patches to put tobacco in. We would go to a wood
and get brush, and burn it on the soil till bloodwarm,
then plant it. All the women were raking dry leaves
to put on the brush, to make it burn. The overseer
first fell in with Betty — his word was, if any one did
not work fast enough — " go to work ! go to work ! "
He said this to Betty. Said she, " Where must I go ?"
" Go to work !-" "I am working." He struck her with
a stick he had in his hand — she struck him with the
rake. They struck several blows. She got the stick
and lost the rake : they fought then like two dogs. She
was better with her fists, and beat him ; but he was
better at wrestling, and threw her down. He then
called the men to help him, but all hid from him in the
brush where we were working. We could see him, but
he could not see us, — he was too busily engaged.
They fought till they got out of breath, and then he
started with her to go to the mistress ; they never broke
their hold. He got her over two or three fences ; then

came the doctor who had shot me, and J T ,

my mistress's son, and they took her to the barn, and
whipped her almost to death : but she behaved worse
afterwards.

Then the calculation was to whip us every one, be-
cause we did not help the overseer. He told us, the
same afternoon to go to the barn to thresh oats : but
the oldest son, who had the management of the whole
estate, was not at home, which saved us that time ; but
it was to be done next day. While they were plotting
it in the evening, one of the house girls overheard it.
That night every one of us went away into the woods.
(Among those woods I have seen, where there are large

168 the refugee; or a

trees, the old corn hills and tobacco hills, where it used
to be planted. At one time, I was hoeing in a field
which we had just cleared of big pine-trees, and I found
there two iron wedges and a hoe in the ground.) We
stayed until they could not pitch a crop of corn. The
head plougher and all, — all of 'em went away : they
had only women and old men, and one young man who
stayed behind, who was foolish. The overseer came
to make a greater crop than they ever had, and he did
not make any. They sent off the overseer to get us
home. We went back, but after a while he came back
too, and stayed the year out. He whipped the women,
but he did not whip the men, for fear they would run
away. He has cut many hickories and got chains made
to put on me : but I was always looking out for him.

When I was young, before I got so watchful, I had
blows and knocks. One morning I was sick : the rule
was, to tell the overseer. I said I was n't going all over
the farm to look him up. First thing I knew, he was
in, with some switches, cowhide, and a rope with a
running noose. He put the noose over my head as I
sat, — I cleared it, and he struck me with a knife which
hit a button : I knocked the knife out of his hand, — we
had a fight and I whipped him. I knew if I stayed, he
would whip me. I ran for a swamp, and he after me ;
but I got there first, and went through the mud and
water, — he stopped at that. I always started in time,
— before the lash came, I was off.

One overseer we had was named E T ; a

stout, big, young man, who worked the people hard,
night and day ; all the time at our heels, " rush ! make
haste ! " The weaker ones were called the " drop-short
gang ; " these were taking the lash all the time : he
was always after them. He wanted I should blow the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 169

horn, but I would n't undertake it. The old head man
used to blow it. He used to hide the horn sometimes,
so that we need not get it to throw it away. One time
I found it, and threw it in the river. The overseer
wanted to know why the horn did not blow. The old
man told him " somebody done hide it." The overseer
threatened us with a hundred lashes, unless we would
find it, but we told him we had nothing to do with it.
T — — got another horn : I do n't believe he blew it
three times before it was in the river. One of the wo-
men saw where the old man hid it, and when he went
for it, it was gone, — it was in the river. We got up
afterward without a horn. Several times, horns were
got for the farm, but they could not keep them.

This overseer was very mistrustful and watchful, but
he would get come up with sometimes. At threshing
time, he accused me of stealing the wheat. At one
time, he came down there, when he was sick to watch
us. He had been taking medicine : he laid down on
some straw, — it was damp, and he got worse. He
called to me to take him up. I told him, " All I '11 do
for you will be, if you die, I '11 close your eyes, and lay
you out." Two others, a man and a woman went to
him. Said I, " if you take him up, he '11 get well, and
you '11 be the first ones he '11 whip." They took him to
the house : he was very sick there, crying, " let me pray!
let me pray ! " I could hear him at the barn. When
he got out to the field again, I did not know he was
there, till I heard the switch. I looked to see whom he
was whipping. It was the very two who had carried
him to the house. I said to them, " do n't you remem-
ber what I told you ? If you had let him stay there
and die, you would n't have got that." It struck him
so, he flung his switches down, and sat on the fence :

15

170 the refugee; Oil A

he looked pale : he went back to the house, and we did
not see him again for three days.

One morning I had a great scrape with him. He
swore he would whip me at the risk of his life. That
morning I did not get into the field until sunrise. All
were at work but me : I had had something to attend
to, and would not go. He said I should not strike a
lick there, till he had whipped me. I told him, " you
shall not, if everybody has to die between here and
Kentucky. I'll die before I'll take a whipping." "You
sha'n't do a stroke of work, before I whip you." The
next word was, " master sha'n't whip me, mistress
sha'n't whip me, you sha'n't whip me, nobody sha'n't
whip me." He said, "I'll make all the hands catch
you, and I '11 whip you." " There ain't a man the sun
shines upon, that shall whip me." The next thing he
said was, " You ought to consider your mistress' inter-
ests." I told him, " let mistress consider her own inter-
ests, and let me consider mine, — let everybody consider
their own interest." I was fixing then to come away,
but he did not know it. " I will whip you any how.
If you '11 take off your shirt, I '11 only give you a few
licks, — I have sworn that I would whip you, and want
to make my words good." I answered, " I have said,
you should not whip me, and that 's as good as if I had
sworn to it." We were some five or ten yards apart.
He said I should not work till I was whipped. I told
him I was not doing myself any good, — that I was n't
working for myself anyhow, and did n't care whether
I worked or not. I then turned for the woods, — when
almost there he called me back, — not one of the hands
would have dared to touch me. I always carried an
open knife, - — they never could catch me unprepared.
I went back : said he, " I '11 excuse you this time, but

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 171

you mustn't do so any more." I answered, " I don't
know what I am going to do."

The last year, we had to work backwards and for-
wards, from one farm to another — from my mistress'
farm to her son's : two overseers, — we worked so till
harvest time, when I came away. My master was
mad with me all the time about the overseers. I was
the leader on our farm — on the other farm, I followed
their leader. There were fifteen cutting wheat in cra-
dles, some were raking, some binding — master followed
the cradles. The other leader and I cradled so fast, we
kept ahead of the rest — so we would have time to
stop a little. He was mad because he could not see
us cut wheat — he said we did nothing, and were play-
ing all the harvest. One forenoon a shower came up —
all were busy to get the wheat out of the shower ; mas-
ter, to get occasion to whip me, came to me and said,
" You shall run too." I did run ; but that did not suit
him : he came up and struck me three or four times.
He then went and cut three or four long poles : he shook
them at me, and said he would whip me a hundred
lashes for the new and the old. All hands were now
sent to the barn to shell corn, — that was where they were
going to catch me. I took up my cradle and jacket; I
spoke to Tom, and asked him if he knew he was to have
one hundred lashes ? He said, " Yes." " Are you going
to the barn ? " " Yes, — are you going ? " " No : I 'm
going to the woods." " But you cannot stay in the
woods always." Said I, " If you will go with me, I '11
carry you into a free country." " Oh, you can't." I
said, "I'll go, or die in the attempt a trying." Tom
said, " I reckon you have n't sense enough to get away."
I told him, " I '11 walk as long as there 's land, and if I
come to the sea, I. '11 swim till I get drowned." I bade

172 the refugee; or a

all the hands good-by — "I never expect you '11 see me
again : if they try to take me I '11 fight till I die : but if
it so happens that they master me, I'll never tell them
where I came from." Then I went into the woods. I
had some good clothes, and went round through the
woods and got them. I waited till night, to see what
they would do. I saw them going to the house where
I had been for my clothes. I could hear them talking,
telling the owner of the place, a poor white man, to
catch me if I came there. I laid about the woods ten
days, waiting for another man who had promised to
come with me. I saw him, but he was afraid to come.
I started without him. At sixty miles from home, I
got work, and stayed until I got some clothes and a
little money. Then I left for the North. I have two
children in slavery. They were carried away from me
when they were a few months old.

I have lived in Canada twenty-four years, and have
made out pretty fair since I have been here. I came
here expecting to work, but have not had to work so
hard here as I did at the South. I know all the old set-
tlers, but a great- many have come lately, whom I am
not acquainted with. Those that will work, do well —
those that will not — not: it is the same here as every-
where. It is the best poor man's country that I know
of — if a man comes without a shilling, he can get
along well. There is no more idleness among colored
than other people — there are idlers among all nations.
I came here with money enough to buy a hundred
acres of land. My money was stolen, but I did not
get discouraged. I now own this house and land —
ten acres here, and twelve in another place. I had a
house and land which the railroad took, and I got a
good price.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 173

If I had had any knowledge how to calculate and
scheme, as I should if I had learning, I should be worth
ten thousand dollars. London has grown up since I
came here. I had an opportunity to buy land in the
heart of the city, but did not bother about it. Many of
our people remain poor for "want of education. It can-
not be expected that men who have just got away from
slavery should look far ahead : they are only looking
for to-day and to-morrow. The colored people are
mostly given to hard work : for the time we have been
here, we have made great progress in this country.
They have many good farms about Wilberforce. There
is some prejudice, but not so much as there used to be.
There is no separate school here. There are a Baptist
and a Methodist church exclusively for colored people.
"Whether this is best, I cannot say. I used to persuade
the colored people to go into the white folks' churches.
They came near making me say I would never go to
church any more : on coming out, the colored people
were insulted : things were said then that would not be
said now. Colored people attend at every church in
London.

MRS. BROWN.

I'keep a boarding-house, and have now ten boarders,
all fugitives, as nearly as I can recollect. One of them
came last winter. They have all got employment.

15 *

174 the refugee; or a

JOHN D. MOORE.

I lived in Pennsylvania and New Jersey some twenty
years. I suffered a great deal there solely on account
of my color. Many a time, when I have been travel-
ling, and would come to a tavern tired and hungry, I
would be told, " We have no accommodations for men
of your color," and I would have to go on. Perhaps I
might get a luncheon at a private house, — or at some
place kept by a foreigner, who needed the colored man's
money.

I have suffered a great many other ways on account
of my color. Several times I wanted to go into busi-
ness there, but was dissuaded by my white friends, who
said I would be mobbed or burned out. I was. discour-
aged in so many ways, that I came to Canada, to see
if I could find a place where a colored man could have
some privilege. T find it the reverse here from what it
was in the States. There is prejudice here among the
low class of people, but they have not got the power to
carry it out here that they have in the States. The law
here is stronger than the mob — it is not so there. If a
man insults me here, he is glad to get out of the way
for fear of the law ; it was not so in the States where I
lived. A ruffian there may insult or throw stones at a
colored man, and he must get out of the way — I found
no law on my side.

I can't complain — I am doing well here, and am
satisfied with Canada. I have lived here eighteen
months.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 175

CHRISTOPHER HAMILTON.

I was raised in St. Louis, Mo. I went to school a
little, to a Sunday School, and learned to read, but was
stopped — I suppose because I was learning too fast.
My people came from Virginia. They were all free by
right. My grandmother was an Indian woman. She

put my mother with a man by the name of E

G , to bring up. He moved to Kentucky, stopped

a little while, then went to Missouri, thence to Jackson,
Miss. While they were moving out, on their way to
Kentucky, I was born on board a boat in Pittsburg.
After we reached Jackson, my father, my mother, and
all their sons and daughters, except myself and a sister
who had two children, were sent to Mine Oburden —

lead mines — they moved there with Dr. G , who

kept them all for slaves. After he had stopped there

awhile, he sold them to a man named S P .

My sister, her two children, and myself, were sold by

W G — — , to whom the Dr. had given us up for

debt, to a man in St. Louis. W G was in

debt to a man named H , and H was in debt

to a Frenchman named B . We slipped along from

one to another to pay debts. With B I remained

from ten years old, till I left for the North. I have

written kind letters to B , but got no reply. The

people who were sold to S P all were finally

removed with him to St. Louis, except one who died in
the South.

I look on slavery as the greatest evil that ever existed
The preaching I used to hear was, " Servants, be obe-
dient to your masters." " He that knoweth his master's
will, and doeth it not, shall be beaten with many

176 the refugee; or a

stripes." I was well used by my master, and well
treated, until he married a second time. He married a
very mean woman. He was a very wealthy man, and
when she married him, it raised her right up. Nothing
could please her. I had been married two years, and
she tried to persuade her husband to sell my wife down
the river : she wanted to whip my wife, and my wife
wouldn't let her. I did not wait to see whether he
would sell her or not : but we came away, — got off
very comfortably. I had only sixteen dollars when I
started. When I got here, I found a brother of mine
here, — he helped me about getting work, and I make
out to live comfortably. I would n't go back for all St.
Louis, poor as I am.

They have no good feeling there for colored people
anyhow. All they care "for is, to get all the work out
of them they can. They whip them to death, starve
them to death, and I saw one colored man burned to
death, — Mcintosh, who had killed a man.

I used to go to Sunday School in St. Louis, to Mr.
Lovejoy — the man who was killed.

The colored people in London are generally saving ;
they do not waste their means ; they are getting along
as well as they can expect, as a general thing. I do not
know of one who suffered so much here, as he would in
slavery. There are some who are vicious and dissolute,
and so there are of all nations. Take them in general,
and they are getting along first-rate.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 177

MRS. CHRISTOPHER HAMILTON.

I left Mississippi about fourteen years ago. I was
raised a house servant, and was well used, — but I saw
and heard a great deal of the cruelty of slavery. I saw
more than I wanted to — I never want to see so much
again. The slaveholders say their slaves are better off
than if they were free, and that they prefer slavery to
freedom. I do not, and never saw one that wished to
go back. It would be a hard trial to make me a slave
again. I had rather live in Canada, on one potato a
day, than to live in the South with ail the wealth they
have got. I am now my own mistress, and need not
work when I am sick. I can do my own thinkings,
without having any one to think for me, — to tell me
when to come, what to do, and to sell me when they
get ready. I wish I could have my relatives here. I
might say a great deal more against slavery — nothing
for it.

The people who raised me failed ; they borrowed
money and mortgaged me. I went to live with people
whose ways did not suit me, and I thought it best to
come to Canada, and live as I pleased.

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

I was brought up in St. Louis, Mo., — was not very
badly used, except that I was not taught to read nor
write, — I was not used well enough to stay there. I

178 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

have seen many very badly used, and many sent down
the river to the south. It was a common thing to take
off a drove for a cotton farm. I never heard that it
was intended to sell me ; but I knew it might be so,
and I thought I would make hay while the sun shone.
I left St. Louis in '34, at the age of about eighteen.
We do n't know our ages exactly.

I knew one man to cut off the fingers of his left
hand with an axe, to prevent his being sold South. I
knew of another who on hearing that he was sold shot
himself: I saw physicians dissecting this man after-
ward. I knew of a woman who had several children
by her master, who on being sold, ran down to the river
and drowned herself: I saw the body after it was taken
from the water.

I think that God made all men to be free and equal,
— not one to be a slave. Other nations have abolished
slavery, and there is no reason why the United States
cannot do the same thing. We would many of us like
to live in the United States were it not for slavery.

Many separations I have seen, — dragging husbands
from wives, children from their mother, and sending
them where they could not expect to see each other
again.

I reached Canada in 1834. I had only a dollar and
a half. I had no need to beg, for I found work at once.
I have done well since I came here : have made a good
living and something more. I own real estate in Lon-
don,— three houses and several lots of land. It is a
healthy country — Canada.

The colored people in London are all making a liv-
ing : there is no beggar among them. Some of us
would like to live in the South if slaverv was done

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 179

away with, and the laws were right. I am naturalized
here, and have all the rights and privileges of a British
subject.

Many have gone about, collecting money and clothes
for fugitives, but I think that is not necessary now:
they can get work.

A great many fugitives are coming into London,
they are coming almost every day.

MRS. SARAH JACKSON.

I belonged to a bachelor, who said I might come
away with my three children if I chose. I always de-
sired to come to a free State ; and I could not bear the
idea of my children's being slaves. He did not think I
really would leave, although he said I might. There
was some opposition from his relatives, — they told me
they thought I was mighty foolish to come away from
a good master. I thought I was n't foolish, considering
I had served all my days, and did not feel safe at night:
not knowing whom I might belong to in the morning.
It is a great heaviness on a person's mind to be a slave.
It never looked right to see people taken and chained
in a gang to be driven off. I never could bear to see
my own color all fastened together to go to such a place
as down the river. I used to go in the house and
shut myself up. I did not know how long before it
would be my own fate. I had just enough to pay my
way here. I expect to work for a living, and I am try-
ing to get a house. I am better here than I was at
home, — I feel lighter, — the dread is gone. I have a

180 THE REFUGEE J OR A

sister and brother in slavery in Kentucky. I intend
to send my children to school. I have been here about
a week.

HENRY MOEEHEAD.

I came from Louisville, Ky., where I was born and
bred a slave. The colored people have not sent their
children to school in London, so generally as desirable,
for this reason. The fugitives who come to this coun-
try for freedom from bondage, have been kept down in
such a manner, that these privileges granted to them
seem somewhat strange, and they have to take some
time to consider whether they shall send their children
to school with the white children or not. This free
school is something so unusual to them, that they can't
realize it, until they become naturalized to the country.
Although they know they are free, they have a kind of
timidness about them, so that they cannot mingle with
the whites of this country, as they would if they had
been free born. Yet the day, I believe is fast approach-
ing, when the people of color will see that they stand
in their own light by not sending their children to
school. The time is now, when the colored men begin
to see that it is the want of education which has kept
them in bondage so long.

My owners used to object to my going to school, say-
ing that I could learn rascality enough without it —
that " niggers " going to school would only teach them
rascality. I always felt injured when a slave and when
free, at the use of that word. This dampened my feel-
ings for getting learning, somewhat, but I went to a

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 181

night school, at my own expense of course, to learn to
spell and to read. My owners found it out, and set
policemen to break the school up. This put an end to
my schooling — that was all the schooling I ever had.
I have looked at it, and have come to the conclusion, that
it is best that colored people should teach tfoeir children
to read and to write? in order that they may know the
ways of the world.

I left slavery a little more than a year ago. I brought
my wife and three children with me, and had not
enough to bring us through. My owners did not
know that we were coming. I left because they were
about selling my wife and children to the South. I
would rather have followed them to the grave, than to
the Ohio River to see them go down. I knew it was
death or victory — so I took them and started for Can-
ada. I was pursued, — my owners watched for me in
a free State, but, to their sad disappointment, I took
another road. A hundred miles further on, I saw my
advertisements again offering $500 for me and my
family. I concluded that as money would do almost
any thing, I ought to take better care, — and I took the
underground railroad. I was longer on the road than I
should have been without my burden : one child was
nine months old, one two years old, and one four. The
weather was cold, and my feet were frostbitten, as I
gave my wife my socks to pull on over her shoes.
With all the sufferings of the frost and the fatigues of
travel, it was not so bad as the effects of slavery.

I am making out very well here — I have not been in
thex country long enough to accumulate any wealth, but
I am getting along as well as the general run of people.
It stands to reason, that a man must be doing some-

16

182 the refugee; or a

thing to pay a rent of five dollars a month, and support
a family of four besides himself, as provisions are, and
have been. To do this does not look much like starving.

AN OLD WOMAN.

My name is , but you must not tell it, for J

have children at the South, who would be eaten up if
their masters knew. [The old lady detailed her history,
but requested that no use should be made of it at the
present time, excepting the part which follows.] . . . . .
I am now eighty years old. Now I will tell you what
I saw with my own eyes. I was called on to leave the
room where was a dead body which they were going to
strip for the grave. They said it would be a shame for
me to remain. I said, " it is only a lifeless lump of
clay, and I will stay and see with my own eyes what
has been done, that I may say it is so, and that it is the
truth." I remained and saw the man's body. It was a
field hand, that had died under the lash. There were
a few marks on the calves of his legs, a few on his
breast where the whip had sometimes reached round.
From his neck to the calves of his legs, the flesh was
raw and bloody — completely cut up with two bull
whips by the overseer and driver. It looked as sausage
meat when you chop it. This man had children and
grandchildren on the plantation. The man's fault was,
— when they finish work Saturday night, they bring
home the maul and wedges, and put under the bed, to
have them ready Monday morning. On Monday morn-
ing, he forgot the wedge, and started back to get it.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 183

The overseer tackled him — he resisted; the overseer
called the driver ; between them both they staked him
down, and whipped him, until he fainted. They got
some water in a shoe, and revived him, — he fainted
again and revived — the third time he fainted, and they
could not bring him to — he died. The overseer ran
away

JOHN WARREN.

I was born in Wilson Co., Tenn., lived there twelve
and a half years, and was then carried to Mississippi,
by my owners who settled in Marshall Co. Two of
us, brothers, went down with the young man, to whom
we fell on settlement of estate. Then he sold us to his
brother who was a regular speculator, buying and sell-
ing all the time — kept from eighteen to twenty on the
place. I went right to work on the cotton farm, under
an overseer. The overseers changed every year I stayed
there. There was pretty hard work and many kinds of
it on the cotton plantations. The overseers were gen-
erally cruel, hard men, but some had more consideration
than others. Four o'clock was rising time. .We blew
but one horn — when that sounded we all got up, fed
the stock, hogs, horses, etc., and went to work. The
farm contained 645 acres. We took a little breakfast
with us, which we cooked generally over night : but at
picking cotton time we had a cook to cook for us.
Every man took his little bucket of breakfast to the
field, where fifteen minutes was allowed for breakfast,
sometimes with water, and sometimes without, — no

184 THE KEPUGEE ; OR A

coffee nor tea in the field. The provision was corn
bread and pork — sometimes enough, and sometimes
not. After breakfast we worked until one. The over-
seer generally stayed with the hoe-gang — women and
children. He could see from one field to another. We
had no drivers on our farm — plenty in the neighbor-
hood. On the big farms they fared worse than we did.
The overseer walked to and fro behind to see that
they did not cut out too much cotton with the hoe, and
that they took up the grass ; if they did not, he would
whip generally with a long bull whip, sometimes with
a bunch of six or eight black-gum switches, generally
laying on hard. There are marks on me made soon
after I went there. The only way I got shut of the
whip was when I got stouter, to fight them and run
away. I was always watching, and they hated to lose
my time. Twenty-five acres of cotton and corn to-
gether were allowed to a hand, and if one goes, it
makes it hard for them. Before I was twenty years old,
I was tied up and received two hundred lashes. Gen-
erally, they give fifty, and then stop a little — then give
fifty more. They sometimes tie round a tree, some-
times to four stakes, and sometimes gammon them.
[ Gambrel is meant here : the wrists are bound together

— the arms made to embrace the lower limbs, and a
gambrel is thrust through under the knees.] I have
seen a man receive five hundred and fifty lashes for
running away. The overseer and boss drank brandy,
and went at him. They gave him brandy for devilment,

— making fun with him : then they would leave him
tied a while, and then go and put it on again. I have
seen men on the next farm, whipped with a handsaw
flatwise : the teeth would cut when the blow was put
on. The saw was used after the bull whip.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVES Y. 185

I learned to spell and read some in Tennessee, among
the children. The owners knew I could read. I bought
a copy of the letters in writing of a white boy in Mis-
sissippi, for half a dollar. It was a good price, but I
did not mind that. I kept that copy of the letters three
years, and learned to write from it. I practised nights
and Sundays. ... I got so I could write, but I had
nobody to show me, and did not know how to hold the
pen. But I wrote three passes for myself. I wrote one
to go to Memphis with. I left the farm on the night
of the 3d July, 1854. I had beaten the overseer on the
Sunday evening before : he undertook to whip me for
going away Sunday. I knocked him over, bumped his
head against the logs of the corn-crib, and went into
the woods, where I staid all day Monday ; Tuesday
morning I left, and travelled to Memphis on foot, ex-
cepting the last four miles, which I rode. At Memphis,
I threw away the first pass and took the second, which
was a privilege to work out in Memphis a month : my
calculation was to get on board a boat before a month
was out. Then I had a third pass, which said I had
hired my time for the rest of the year to work in the
State or out of the State. I worked in Memphis three
days, then went aboard a boat and showed my year's
pass. The first trip, I went down the Mississippi and
up White River to Jackson Port, in Arkansas : then
back to Memphis. We were gone eight days, lacking
an hour. Then I hired on a boat bound to Cincinnati.
I saw the sign " Cincinnati," and went aboard : sailed
that evening, and got safely to Cincinnati in five days.
I stopped there two or three days, and then left for
Canada. A man in Chatham hired me to come here
to work. I get good wages.

I always hated slavery from the first. It never

16*

186 THE EEFUGEE I OK A

seemed right to work for nothing, driven in the rain,
and so on. When I was small, I had heard of a free
State where black people were free, and had no master
nor mistress, and I wanted to go there. I have no dis-
position to go South again — I love liberty too well for
that. I do n't have to get up at four and work till nine ;
I do n't have now to drive a wagon Sundays to haul
cotton bales.

I believe that if the slaves were hired and paid for
their labor, they'd all go to work, and they would do a
great deal more work than they do now, for they would
not be thinking all the time about running away, and
fighting the overseers, — there would not be so much
confusion. Sometimes, on a holiday, the boss hires
them, — they go to work singing and hollowing, with-
out an overseer, and they do the work better than when
he is behind them. Now I do n't study all day about
running into the woods, nor dream of it nights, as I
used to. There are no hounds here to be running after
me. There is a man down there, who gets ten dollars
for catching a runaway : if he has been gone longer,
he gets more. A good " nigger dog" is worth four hun-
dred dollars. I knew how to kill the scent of dogs
when they came after me : I could do it with red pepper.
Another way which I have practised is, to dig into a
grave where a man has been buried a long time, get
the dust of the man, make it into a paste with water,
and put it on the feet, knees, and elbows, or wherever I
touched the bushes. The dog won't follow that.

I came here to work and expect to work. Time goes
smoother with me than it did. One month there seemed
longer than two do now.

A planter near us in Mississippi, bought a man from
Kentucky out of a drove, who ran away, he was treated

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 187

so mean. They followed him, got ahead as he was
going back, caught him and brought him back. He
fought hard not to be taken, gave them some bruises,
but they took him. When they got him back, they
gave him two hundred lashes every morning for seven
mornings. The hands on the place told me so, the
man told me so, and the master told my boss so, just
like any other joke : he said u he was the d — dest nigger
on God's earth." They put a heavy log chain, which
weighed twenty pounds around his body. In about
a year they sold him to a speculator.

The white folks down south don't seem to sleep
much, nights. They are watching for runaways, and
to see if any other slave comes among theirs, or theirs
go off among others. They listen and peep to see if
any thing has been stolen, and to find if any thing is
going on. " What is there in this barrel ? Too many
d — d barrels in here, — I '11 have 'm put out."

From those who had slaves we would steal whatever
we conld get to eat — chickens, turkeys, geese, etc.

The slaves have no particular rules, except in regard
to marriage : they try to make it as near lawful as they
can.

BENJAMIN MILLER.

I came from St. Louis, Mo., about twenty years ago.
I had the privilege of purchasing my freedom, and had
paid of the $500 asked, all but $220 : then I had good
reasons to believe, from information which I received,
that after all was paid, I was to be carried down the
river and sold. I then made for the North. I Was a

188 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

slave, to be sure, but was doing business as boot and
shoemaker. I learned the trade while I was paying
$120 per annum for my time. If I had been sure of
my free papers, I could have paid the $220, and would
have been doing a good business there. My partner
was a free man.

I have lived in and about London ever since I came
out. My property here is worth about $1,800. It con-
sists partly of a house and land. I have brought up a
large family — have a wife and eight children living, —
have buried ten — three in St. Louis, the remainder
here.

I feel thankful that I can mention that I have given
a part of my time to the spiritual interests of the people
here without pay: having served them as pastor in the
Methodist denomination some years.

I have travelled in all the principal places in Canada
West, and, generally speaking, the colored people are
doing well : thank God, uncommon well, considering
the way they came. Men who at home know nothing
but to come and go just as they are bid, here go into
business, and do well, very well. They are temperate
men, considering the way they are brought up.

We that begin here illiterate men, have to go against
wind and tide. We have a learned, enterprising people
to contend with ; we have a colder climate than we
have been used to, to contend with ; we have our own
ignorance and poverty to contend with. It takes a
smart man to do all that : but many do it, all make a
living, and some do lay up money. I asked one of our
old white 'squires, if he ever saw a colored man that
was well, in this township, begging. He said, No.

QUEEN'S BUSH.

This name was originally given to a large, unsur-
veyed tract of land, now comprising the townships of
Peel and Wellesley, and the country extending thence
to Lake Huron. While it was yet a wilderness, it was
settled mainly by colored people, about the year 1846.
The following, communicated by a resident of Gait,
gives the main features of the settlement of the Queen's
Bush. The testimonials following Jackson's, are from
that part of the scarcely reclaimed wilderness now
known as the township of Peel.

WILLIAM JACKSON.

My father and myself went to the Queen's Bush in
1846. We went four and a half miles beyond the other
farms, to Canestogo, where he cleared up and had a
farm ; for years scarcely any white people came in, but
fugitive slaves came in, in great numbers, and cleared
the land. Before it was surveyed, there were as many
as fifty families. It was surveyed about two years after
we went there. The colored people might have held

(189)

190 the refugee; or a

their lands still, but they were afraid they would not be
able to pay when pay-day came. Under these circum-
stances, many of them sold out cheap. They now con-
sider that they were overreached — for many who
bought out the colored people have not yet paid for the
land, and some of the first settlers yet remain, who have
not yet been required to pay all up.

Some colored people have come in from the free
States, on account of the fugitive slave bill, and bought
land. The farms are usually from fifty to one hundred
acres. The timber is hard wood. The soil is produc-
tive, and it is a good wheat country.

A great many who sold out went to Mr. King's set-
tlement, and to Owen Sound. The health of the col-
ored people was very good — there was hardly any sick-
ness at all : indeed, the climate of Canada agrees with
them as well as with the white people. It is healthy
for all.

I have heard white people who lived at Queen's Bush
say, that they never lived amongst a set of people that
they had rather live with as to their habits of industry
and general good conduct. I never knew of but one
to be taken before a court, for any thing but debt, and
I lived there seven years.

In regard to riding in coaches or cars, I never had any
trouble in Canada. I have heard of some who have
suffered from prejudice, but I never did. The amount
of prejudice is small here, and what there is grows out
of slavery : for some, when they first come, feel so free,
that they go beyond good limits, and have not courtesy
enough. But I find that they get over this after a while.

HORTH-SLDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 191

THOMAS L. WOOD KNOX.

I was born free in the eastern part of Pennsylvania,
but removed to Pittsburg. I should not have left the
States only that I was not treated with respect. I
would go to market with provisions off a farm I rented
in New Brighton, When I got into Pittsburg, other
farmers would drive in with their teams into the tavern
yard, and get their breakfasts and go and sell out, before
I could get any thing to eat : so that by the time I
would get to market, the best of it would be over. The
same thing would run through all the conduct of the
whites. In the place where I went, they were opposed
to my coming, — but after four years they were grieved
to have me come away. But I could not stand it, and
left for Canada. I have been in Canada eleven years — -
eight in the Queen's Bush. When I came here it was
a complete wilderness : I took hold and cleared a farm.
I would rather have remained in my native country,
among my friends, could I have had such treatment as
I felt that I deserved. But that was not to be, and I
came into the wilderness.

Most of the colored people living here are doing as
well, if not better, than one could reasonably expect. Most
of the grown people among them are fugitive slaves. I
know of but one, free-born, from Pennsylvania, and that
is myself. The number here I cannot speak of with
any certainty. Many have removed to Owen's Sound
and other places : there may be now five hundred per-
sons. All are equal here : I have been about here a
great deal, but have seen no prejudice at all.

192 the refugee; or a

SOPHIA POOLEY.

I was born in Fishkill, New York State, twelve miles
from North River. My father's name was Oliver Bur-
then, my mother's Dinah. I am now more than ninety
years old. I was stolen from my parents when I was
seven years old, and brought to Canada ; that was long
before the American Revolution. There were hardly
any white people in Canada then — - nothing here but
Indians and wild beasts, Many a deer I have helped
catch on the lakes in a canoe : one year we took ninety.
I was a woman grown when the first governor of Can-
ada came from England : that was Gov. Simcoe.

My parents were slaves in New York State. My
master's sons-in-law, Daniel Cutwaters and Simon
Knox, came into the garden where my sister and I were
playing among the currant bushes, tied their hand-
kerchiefs over our mouths, carried us to a vessel, put us
in the hold, and sailed up the river. I know not how
far nor how long — it was dark there all the time. Then

we came by land. I remember when we came to
Genesee, — there were Indian settlements there, —
Onondagas, Senecas, and Oneidas. I guess I was the
first colored girl brought into Canada. The white men
sold us at Niagara to old Indian Brant, the king. I lived
with old Brant about twelve or thirteen years as nigh
as I can tell. Brant lived part of the time at Mohawk,
part at Ancaster, part at Preston, then called Lower
Block: the Upper Block was at Snyder's Mills. While
I lived with old Brant we caught the deer. It was at
Dundas at the outlet. We would let the hounds loose,
and when we heard them bark we would run for the
canoe — Peggy, and Mary, and Katy, Brant's daughters

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 193

and I. Brant's sons, Joseph and Jacob, would wait on
the shore to kill the deer when we fetched him in. I
had a tomahawk, and would hit the deer on the head —
then the squaws would take it by the horns and paddle
ashore. The boys would bleed and skin the deer and
take the meat to the house. Sometimes white people
in the neighborhood, John Chisholm and Bill Chisholm,
would come and say 'twas their hounds, and they must
have the meat. But we would not give it up.

Canada was then filling up with white people.
And after Brant went to England, and kissed the
queen's hand, he was made a colonel. Then there
began to be laws in Canada. Brant was only half
Indian : his mother was a squaw — I saw her when I
came to this country. She was an old body ; her hair
was quite white. Brant was a good looking man —
quite portly. He was as big as Jim Douglass who
lived here in the bush, and weighed two hundred
pounds. He lived in an Indian village — white men
came among them and they intermarried. They had
an English schoolmaster, an English preacher, and an
English blacksmith. When Brant went among the
English, he wore the English dress — when he was
among the Indians, he wore the Indian dress, — broad-
cloth leggings, blanket, moccasins, fur cap. He had his
ears slit with a long loop at the edge, and in these he
hung long silver ornaments. He wore a silver half-
moon on his breast with the king's name on it, and
broad silver bracelets on his arms. He never would
paint, but his people painted a great -deal. Brant was
always for making peace among his people ; that was
the reason of his going about so much. I used to talk
Indian better than I could English. I have forgotten
some of it — there are none to talk it with now.

17

194 the refugee: or a

Brant's third wife, my mistress, was a barbarous crea-
ture. She could talk English, but she would not.
She would tell me in Indian to do things, and then
hit me with any thing that came to hand, because
I did not understand her. I have a scar on my head
from a wound she gave me with a hatchet ; and this
long scar over my eye, is where she cut me with a knife.
The skin dropped over my eye ; a white woman bound
it up. [The scars spoken of were quite perceptible,
but the writer saw many worse looking cicatrices of
wounds not inflicted by Indian savages, but by civilized
(?) men.] Brant was very angry, when he came home,
at what she had done, and punished her as if she had
been a child. Said he, " you know I adopted her as
one of the family, and now you are trying to put all
the work on her."

I liked the Indians pretty well in their place; some
of them were very savage, — some friendly. I have
seen them have the war-dance — in a ring with only a
cloth about them, and painted up. They did not look
ridiculous — they looked savage, — enough to frighten
anybody. One would take a bowl and rub the edge
with a knotted stick : then they would raise their toma-
hawks and whoop. Brant had two colored men for
slaves : one of them was the father of John Patten,
who lives over yonder, the other called himself Simon
Ganseville. There was but one other Indian that I
knew, who owned a slave. I had no care to get my
freedom.

At twelve years old, I was sold by Brant to an Eng-
lishman in Ancaster, for one hundred dollars, — his
name was Samuel Hatt, and I lived with him seven
years : then the white people said I was free, and put
me up to running away. He did not stop me — he

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 195

said he could not take the law into his own hands.
Then I lived in what is now Waterloo. I married
Robert Pooley, a black man. He ran away with a
white woman : he is dead.

Brant died two years before the second war with the
United States. His wife survived him until the year
the stars fell. She was a pretty squaw : her father was
an English colonel. She hid a crock of gold before
she died, and I never heard of its being found. Brant
was a freemason.

I was seven miles from Stoney Creek at the time of
the battle — the cannonade made every thing shake
well.

I am now unable to work, and am entirely dependent
on others for subsistence : but I find plenty of people in
the bush to help me a good deal.

JOHN FRANCIS.

I was twenty-eight years old when I came into the
Queen's Bush from Virginia. My usage down South
was hard. I was sold three times : first, for debt ; then
I was traded off: the third time I sold myself to my-
self.

I came in ten years ago. Then there were few
families. More kept coming, — colored people, — there
were not many white.. The land was not surveyed.
We settled down where we saw fit. We knew nothing
about price nor terms. After considerable many settlers
had come in, we called a meeting, and sent a man to
get a grant of the land if he could ; or, if not that, to
find the terms. The answer was, that we were on

196 the refugee; or a

clergy reserves, and they could give no grant. Still we
kept at work, clearing and planting. The land came
into market about seven years ago, being surveyed and
a price set on it.

Then came a land agent, to sell and take payments.
He put up public notices, that the settlers who had
made improvements were to come and pay the first in-
stalment, or the land would be sold from under them.
The payment was to be in ten annual instalments of
15s. 6d. currency, 5s. to the dollar. It was then hard
times in Canada, and many could not meet the pay-
ment. The agent, as we now know, transcended his
powers, for some people, white and colored, still hold
their lands, not having made payments. The agent
had a percentage for collecting. His course in driv-
ing people for money, ruined a great many poor people
here in the bush. Fearing that the land would be sold,
and they get nothing for their betterments, they sold out
for very little and removed to other parts. The agent
himself told me he "would sell my land unless the instal-
ment was paid. I sacrificed my two cows and a steer,
to make the payment that I might hold the land.
Others did not do that and yet hold. One man, fearing
to lose all he had done, sold out for ten dollars, having
cleared eight or ten acres — that property is now esti-
mated at $15,000. Some borrowed money on mort-
gages, and some paid a heavy per cent, for money to
meet that instalment : which was very hard on the poor
settlers who had their hands full in trying to live, and
clearing land so that they could live. But it was done :
and it has kept many back by trying to meet that bor-
rowed money, and others by their moving where they
would have to begin again : that is what has scattered
the colored people away from here. There are now

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 197

about three hundred, — there were three times as many.
Some went where they got grants of fifty acres for set-
tling.

The young men growing up here have not so much
knowledge as desirable, as there were no schools here
when they were growing up. Now it is different, and
many send their children. The teachers generally have
not the feelings in regard to slavery that we have. It
would be well to have the young taught, that they
should improve themselves as a means of elevating
their race. When my children get old enough to read,
I intend to instruct them about slavery, and get books
to show them what we have been through, and fit them
for a good example.

My mother was sold away from me, when I was
about eleven years old. In escaping, I sailed over two
hundred miles on the sea in an open boat with my
father, a day without eating, and ten days without drink-
ing. One night we were near being lost in a storm.
We put in to get water and were taken : but we made
out to clear ourselves.

The colored people in the Queen's Bush, are doing
pretty well — they have many drawbacks : as they can
keep no books nor accounts, they are liable to be over-
reached — and are overreached sometimes.

17*

198 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

JOHN LITTLE.

[The liero of the following narrative is much respected, wherever
he is known — in Canada West. And in that country of good farms,
Mr. Little's is one of the best, and among the best managed.]

I have been bought and sold by several masters. I
was born in N. C, Hertford Co., nigh Murfreesboro' :
I lived there more than twenty years. My first master,
was just a reasonable man for a slaveholder. As slave-
holders^go^ he used his people very well. He had but
severe, — '- my mother and her six children ; of the chil-
dren, I w£ts the oldest. I was never sent to school a
day in my life, and never knew a letter until quite late
in life. I was not allowed to go to meeting. My busi-
ness on Sundays was looking after the mules and hogs,
and amusing myself with running hares and fishing.

My master broke down, and I was taken by the
sheriff, and sold at public auction in Murfreesboro'. I
felt miserably bad to be separated from my mother and
brothers and sisters. They too felt miserably about it,
especially my poor old mother, who ran all about among
the neighbors trying to persuade one and another to buy
me; which none of them would promise to do, expecting
the traders to give more. This she did on Sundays :
week-days, she had to work on the farm.

Finally I was sold to a man in the same county,
about ten miles from the first place. He abused me
like a dog — worse than a dog, — not because I did
any thing wrong, but because I was a " nigger." My
blood boils to think about him, let me be where I will.
It do n't seem to me that even upon the Lord's day,
and now I know that there is a hereafter, it would be a
sin before God to shoot him, if he were here, he was so

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 199

bad : he so abused me, — he, a wise man, — abused me
because I was a fool, — not naturally, but made so by
him and others under the slave laws. That is God's
truth, that I was inhumanly abused.

At the time of this sale I was about twenty-three, but
being a slave, I did not know my age ; I did not know
any thing. He came and said to me, " Well, boy, do
you know who 's bought you ? " I answered, " I do
not, sir." " Well," he said, " I 've bought you : do you
know me ? " I told him " I did." " I have bought you,
and I'll give you a pass (for there a colored man can-
not go without a pass even from an auction,) to go to
my farm ; go down there, to the overseer, and he '11 tell
you what to do." I went on Sunday morning, the day
after the sale, and delivered myself up. Said he, " Go
down there to the quarters, with the rest of the niggers^
and to-morrow I '11 tell you what to do. When I got
down there I found about seventy men, women, and

children. They told me Mr. E was a hard man,

and what I had better do to avoid the lash. They do
that among themselves any time. It was in the winter
time, and when the horn sounded for us to rise, we were
allowed fifteen minutes to get to the overseer's house
about a quarter of a mile off. I wish he were here
now to hear me tell it, to see whether it 's the truth, — ■
I could look right in his face the whole time. Break-
fast was not even talked about. We were dismissed
from work at different hours, but never till after dark.
Then we would go to our cabins, and get up our little
fires, and cook, or half cook, our victuals. What we
did not eat that night, we put into little old baskets
that we made ourselves, and put it handy, so that when
the horn sounded, we could take it and clear to the
overseer's. This provision served us all the next day.

200 the refugee; or a

We usually ate it at the time the horses ate. We were
not allowed to eat during work, under penalty of fifty
lashes. That was the law laid down by the master to
the overseer. We had to plan and lay schemes of our
own to get a bite. " A nigger could always find time
to eat and smoke and shuffle about, and so he wouldn't
allow it to us. He would n't have his work hindered
by eating." I do n't put the blame of cruelty on the
overseer : I put it on the master who could prohibit
it, if he would. No man ought to take the place of
overseer, — I blame the scoundrel who takes the office ;
but if he does take it, he must obey orders.

After being there three weeks, I wanted to go back
to see my mother who was broken-hearted at the loss
of her children. It seemed as if the evil one had fixed
it so, — for then two daughters were taken and carried
off to Georgia. She had been sold before for the fel-
low's debts, — sold close by at private sale. I asked
leave of my master Saturday night. I went to him,
pulled off my hat, and asked him, if he would please
give me a pass to go and see my mother, and I would
come back Sunday evening. " No ! I do n't allow my
niggers to run about Sundays, gawking about ; I want
you to-morrow to look after the mules and the horses
along with the rest of the niggers." He was the great-
est gentleman in that neighborhood. The white men
all looked up to him. He was what is called a " nigger-
breaker." If any one had a stubborn slave, that they
couldn't bend just as they wanted to, they would hire

him to S E for a year. I have known them

to be sent from as much as fifty miles, to be broke, be-
cause he had so much cruelty : he was a hard-hearted,
overbearing scoundrel : the cries and groans of a suffer-
ing person, even if ready to die, no more affected him,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 201

than they would one of my oxen in the field yonder.
This I have seen and known, and partly endured in my
own person.

His refusing the pass, naturally made me a little
stubborn : I was a man as well as himself. I started
and went without the pass, and returned on Sunday
evening, after dark. Nothing was said until Monday
morning, — then we went to the overseer, and were ail
told to go to the gin-house. As soon as I got there,
the overseer and two colored men laid right hold of me,
and tied me fast to an apple-tree with some of the bal-
ing-rope, and then sent for the master. He came, —
" Well, Sir, I suppose you think you are a great gentle-
man." I thought, as they had me tied, I would try to
beg off as well as I could, knowing that sauciness
would not make it any better for me. " I suppose," he
went on, " you think you can come and go whenever
you please." I told him " No : I wanted to see my
mother very bad, and so I rah over there and came back
as I told you." Said he, " I am your master, and you
shall obey me, let my orders be what they may." I
knew that as well as he, but I knew that it was devil-
ishness, that he would n't give me a pass. He bade the
overseer hit me five hundred lashes, — five hundred
lashes he bade the overseer hit me ! Men have received
them down south, this morning since the sun rose. The
overseer ordered two slaves to undress me, which they
did : they turned my shirt over my head which blind-
folded me. I could not see who put on the blows, but
I knew. It was not the master, — he was too much of
a gentleman : but he had a plenty of dogs to set on.
What I tell you now, I would tell at the judgment, if I
were required. 'T is n't he who has stood and looked on,
that can tell you what slavery is, — 'tis he who has en-

202 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

dured. I was a slave long enough, and have tasted it
all. I was black, but I had the feelings of a man as
well as any man.

The master then marked on me with his cane where
the overseer was to begin, and said, " "Whip him from
there down." Then the overseer went at it, the master
counting aloud. He struck me a hundred lashes right
off before he stopped. It hurt me horribly, but after
the first hundred, sensation seemed to be beaten out of
my flesh. After the first hundred, the master said,
" Now, you cursed, infernal son of a b — , your running
about will spoil all the rest of my niggers : I do n't
want them to be running about, and you shan't be run-
ning about." I answered, " Master, I did n't mean any
harm ; I wanted to go and see my mother, and to get a
shirt I left over there." He then struck me over my
head twice with his cane, and told me to " hold my
jaw." I said no more; but he told the overseer, "put
it on to him again like the very devil." I felt worse on
account of the blows with the cane than for the over-
seer's whipping : that 's what makes me feel so towards
him now. It poisons my mind to think about him. I
do n't want to think about him. I was as much a
man as my master. The overseer then went on with
the bull whip. How many they put on, I do n't know,
but I know that from the small of my back to the
calves of my legs, they took the skin clear off, as you
would skin beef. That 's what they gave me that day
— the next day, I had to have some more. One of the
slaves then washed me with salt and water to take
out the soreness. This almost put me into a fit. It
brought the pain all back — the abominable scoundrel
knew it would. Then I was taken up to the black-
smith's shop to be fettered : that was the way S — —

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 203

E broke " niggers." His name sounded around

there as if he had been Satan himself: the colored peo-
ple were as afraid of him as they would be of a lion out
in these bushes.

Iron rings were put about my ankles, and a short
chain to the rings. I was given in charge to two slaves.
Some may deny that the slaveholders are so bad, but I
know it 's true, and God knows it 's true. A stranger
may go there, and they are not such fools as to put
such punishment on a man before him. If he is going
to do that, he will send him over the fields out of the
way, and while they are enjoying themselves in the
house, the slave is suffering under the whip. A regular
slaveholder has got no conscience. A slaveholder
knows the difference between a northerner and a south-
erner. If a man came from any other part, he never

saw me in irons. G L might have seen me,

or L K , or any other slaveholder might come

and see it, and hold a council over it, and blackguard
me for it : " Boy, what have you got that on you for ?
That shows a d — d bad nigger : if you war n't a bad
nigger you wouldn't have them on."

The two slaves took me in charge, with orders
to kill me if I tried to escape. At night, my feet
were made fast in the stocks, without removing the
irons. The stocks were of wood with grooves for the
ancles, over which laid an iron bar. I could lie on my
back, but could not turn. The next morning, I was
taken to the gin-house to receive fifty blows with the
bucking-paddle. This was my master's order. I re-
ceived three blows, and then fainted. When I came
to, only one slave was with me, who took me to the
field to work, — but I was in so bad state that I could
not work that day, nor much for a week. After doing

204 THE REFUGEE ; Oil A

a hard day's work in the fetters which had now worn
to the bone, for they would get wet with dew in the
morning, and then sand would work in, I was placed
in the stocks - — my ankles sore, bleeding, and corrupted.
I wished I could die, but could not.

At the end of three months, he found I was too
stubborn for him to subdue. He took off the fetters
from my ankles, put me in handcuffs, and sent me to
Norfolk jail, to be shipped for New Orleans. But
when I arrived, the time that niggers were allowed to
be shipped to New Orleans was out, and the last boat
for that spring had sailed. After two weeks, I had the
measles. My master was written to, but neither came,
nor sent any answer. As the traders were coming
there with slaves, the turnkey put me into the kitchen
to avoid contagion. I soon got better, — the turnkey
said, " You are well now, and must be lonesome, — I'll
put you in with the rest in a day or two." I deter-
mined to escape if I could.

At night I took a shelf down and put it against the
inclosure of the yard, and climbed to the top, which
was armed with sharp spikes, fourteen inches long, and,
risking my life, I got over the spikes. Just as I had
done this, the nine o'clock bell rung the signal for the
patrols. I fell on the outside and made for the river,
where I found a skiff loaded with wood. I threw over
half a cord in a hurry, and pushed off for the opposite
shore, to go back into the neighborhood of my old
place, hoping, by dodging in the bush, to tire out my
master's patience, and induce him to sell me running.
I knew nothing about the North then — I did not know
but the northerners were as bad as the southerners. I
supposed a white man would be my enemy, let me see
him where I would. Some of the neighbors there

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 205

Would have bought me, but he refused to sell me in the
neighborhood, being ashamed to sell there a slave
whom he could not break. He gave up first, but I was
the worse beaten. I was as big-hearted as he was : he
did not like to give up, and I would not give in — I
made up my mind that if he would find whips, I would
find back.

Having lightened the skiff, I paddled across, and went
back to North Carolina to my mother's door. I ran
about there in the bush, and was dodging here and
there in the woods two years. I ate their pigs and
chickens — I did not spare them. I knew how to dress
them, and did not suffer for want of food. This would
not have taken place had my master complied with my
reasonable request for a pass, after I had done my work
well, without any fault being found with it. But when
I found out by that, and by his cruel punishment, that
he was a devil, I did not care what I did do. I meant
he should kill me or sell me.

My master did not advertise me when he got the
news of my escape, saying it was their Joss, as I was
placed in their charge. He sued, but was beaten. After
this he advertised for me, offering fifty dollars for my
capture, dead or alive. A free-born colored man, whom
I had known, betrayed me. Some poor white fellows
offered him ten dollars if he would find out where I was.
He put them on my track. At ten one morning, they
found me lying down asleep. I partially aroused, and
heard one say, " Don't shoot: it may be somebody else
lying down drunk." I arose with my face towards
therri : there were six young white men armed with
guns. I wheeled, and ran ; they cried out, " Stop, or
I'll shoot you." One of them, a real youngster, hit me,
firing first ; the others fired, and said they shot their

18

206 THE REFUGEE : OR A

best, but did not hit. A bullet and a buckshot entered
my right thigh ; the shot came out, but the bullet went
to the bone, and is there yet. It injured a sinew, so
that my foot hurts me to this day, when I walk. I ran
about a quarter of a mile, then my foot all at once gave
out, and I fell. They came up with dirks, threatening
me with instant death, if I even winked my eye to-
wards molesting them. They took me in a cart, and
put me into the county jail. All that night I lay wish-
ing they had shot me dead. I did not want to face that
hyena again. But he was as afraid of me as I was of
him. He would not have me, he said, come on his
farm again. He kept me in jail until a slave-driver came
from Western Tennessee — he took me out to Tennes-
see, to hire out or sell — any thing to get rid of me. I

was hired out to T— — - R , in Jackson, Madison

Co., two years. I did very well ; the man who hired
me was a pretty fair sort of a man for a slaveholder.
During the two years I became satisfied with my con-
dition, and, in about a year after, married a young

woman, belonging to T N : she is living with

me yet.

About nine months after our marriage, I was, on a
sudden, without suspecting any thing, jerked right up
and put in jail again to be sold. I was taken by a
driver to Memphis, and put into the hands of a planter,
who was to sell me when he got an opportunity. In
about two weeks, when I had got rested, I started to go
back to see my wife ; but I got taken up on the course,
and was put in jail. The people asked me where I was
going. I told them the truth, " To Jackson." I 've
been into pretty much all the jails round there. It
seems to me wonderful, when I have known men to be
killed without doing so much, or going through so

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 207

much as I have, that I should be spared. It is only by
the mercy of God that I have escaped so many dangers.
I have known men to be killed by less accidents, — but
I was spared, although I have the marks of many
wounds and bruises.

In jail they fettered my ankles again. There was a
black man in the room with me, who was caught under
the same circumstances as myself — going to see his
wife, as a man has a right to do. I was very muscular
and smart, but he was stouter than I. We broke
through the top of the jail at night — the shingles crack-
ing gave the alarm. My friend was scared, and did
not dare fall : but I did not care what befell me, and I
rolled off to the ground, without having time to use
strips of bedclothes which we had prepared. I was
chained, and could not spring to save myself: it was a
hard fall, but I was not quite stunned. I should not
have got off, but that my pursuers bothered each other.
They first started for the roofj and finding we were out-
side, the jailer cried, " Go outside ! do n't let 'em come
down ! do n't let 'em come down ! " His wife, hearing
this, thought we were coming down stairs, and secured
the door. While they were breaking out, I crept on
my hands and knees about two hundred yards, to a
creek, which I crept over in the same way. Then I
looked around, and saw the jailer on the top of the jail
with a light, looking for me, not thinking I could get
down chained. He called, "John! John! where are
you ? If you do n't answer me, you son of a b — h, I'll
kill you when I get you." A neighbor crossed over,
and asked, " What is the matter ? " He answered,
" The d — d niggers are breaking out of jail." I heard
this distinctly on the other side of the creek, where I sat
listening, to hear what course they would take. As I

208 the refugee; or a

crept, I had to spread ray feet to keep my chain from
rattling — a child could have taken me chained as I
was. In a few minutes the whole village was in an
uproar. I heard the jailer tell some one to go to a man
that kept dogs, and " tell him to come in a minute — I
want him to run a nigger." I then crept : I could creep
faster than I could run. From what I had told my
captors, they thought I had gone to Jackson, and so
failed of finding my track.

I did not know where I was, nor which way to go.
I found a road, and wandered along in that. When
my hands and knees got cold with creeping, I would
get up and shuffle along with my chain. At daybreak,
as the Lord would have it, I came to a blacksmith's
shop. No one was there. I went in and felt among
the tools in the dark, and found a great new rasp. I
took the rasp along with me, and crept on to find a
bush, and wait for daylight. As soon as I could see to
do it, I cut my feet loose. I would give fifty dollars if
I had the irons here that I've been abused in, to show
people who say they do n't believe such things — who
say that men are not so abused. I would like to show
them the irons and the paddles and the whips and the
stocks that I have worn on me and been punished with.
I would n't take fifty dollars of the best British gold
that ever was laid out to me, if I could have them here
to show people how I have suffered in the United
States : and I should like to have them here who ordered
the blows and fastened the irons, to see how they would
look while I was telling of it.

At about 8 o'clock in the morning, my feet were free.
I had had nothing to eat since noon the day before. I
wandered through the woods all day, eating acorns,
and trying to find the route for Jackson. I meant to

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 209

get there : nothing would have stopped me but death.
I was not going to have another man send me round
the country just where he liked. That night I got the
course for Jackson ; and after walking an hour, I en-
tered a barn-yard and found among the harness a bri-
dle. I was barefooted, and bareheaded — had nothing
on but my shirt and pantaloons, — all else I had taken
off to get through the roof the jail. I then walked into
the stable, and found what appeared to be a gentle-
man's riding-horse — and a better nag I never laid leg
across. He took me in three hours further than he ever
took anybody else in six, I think. When I got to Jack-
son, I turned the horse loose in the street : he wandered
about a while, but the owner got him at last. When he
sees that, he will know who borrowed his horse, and if
he will send in his bill, I will settle it. I have plenty
of land and plenty of money to pay off all debts, and if
some of my old friends would come this way, I would
pay off some other old scores — that are on my back.

At Jackson, I saw my wife : she had been bought by
F- T , a regular negro-trader — one of the big-
gest dogs in the bone-yard. He said he would buy me
running if he could, but no one was to be told where I
was, as he wished to buy me cheap. He wrote to my
master that he had bought my wife, and that I was
dodging about the place : that he did n't want me about
among his " niggers," — but that if he would sell me,
he would catch me if he could, — if not, he would shoot
me. The answer was, that my master would sell me

for eight hundred dollars. T paid the money and

took possession of me. He put me on his farm. He
was overbearing — his overseer was more so. He was
one of those who, when they get a " nigger," must whip
him, right or wrong, just to let him know " that he is a

18*

210 the refugee; or a

' nigger.' " No fault was found with my work. He
looked sharp to try to find some way to get at me. At
last he found a way to do it — an excuse to whip me,
— it was in this way: one day he heard me speak
something to one of the hands ; it was some of our
nonsense, of no consequence whatever. But he was
itching for an excuse to flog me, and now he had got
one — for it was a rule that there should be no talk on
work hours, except about the work. My master having
heard that I wTas an old runaway, and had given
trouble to my master, had cautioned the overseer not to
bear down very hard upon me until I had got habitu-
ated to the place and the ways. The overseer went to
the master and said it would never do to excuse that
" nigger ; " for if he talked the rest would stand and
hear it ; he should either whip me or take me off the
place. Master told him, and was overheard to say it,
that if I would not obey him, he might take me down
and give me three hundred with the paddle. The over-
seer made up his mind to give me the punishment on
the next evening. When I had got through work, I
went home, tired and hungry — my wife met me at the
door, laid her hand on my arm, "John, three hundred
for you this evening with the paddle ! " That news
filled my stomach very quick, — it stopped my hunger,
but made me feel thirsty for blood. I swore that I
would not leave the quarters until I was killed, or had
killed any man ; master, overseer, or slave, who might
come to take me. But as it happened, a gentleman
from New Orleans came to see my master that night,
and so the punishment was postponed. If this was
done for a southerner, how could a northerner expect to
see any punishment? That visit was what prevented my
killing a man, and being killed for it that night : for I

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 213

had a good sharp axe, and I know I should have used
it. I waited some time for them to come, — but as
they did not, my temper cooled down, and I concluded
to take to the bush.

I had heard that if I could get into Ohio, and man-
age to stay there one year, I would, after that, be a free
man. I intended to wait for my wife to get smart, she
being sick at the time. I went into the woods, and
once more took to living on chickens and geese, which
I understood very well. In about two weeks I went
for my wife. Another man had agreed to come with
us : but he was weak enough to advise with a friend
about it, and the friend turned traitor and told his mas-
ter. They are just the same as white men. I have
found out since I have been in Canada, that 'tis not
the skin that makes a man mean. Some of them will
betray another to curry favor with the master, or to get
a new coat, or two or three dollars, and I have noticed
the same mean spirit among white men. But there are
others who would die sooner than betray a friend.

I bade my wife get ready for a start on the next
night, and then I took to the bush again. Meanwhile,
the traitor slipped to our master, and asked him if he
knew that three of the negroes were going to run away.
He told him " No — which three ? " He named us.
" Where are they going to ? " " Ohio State." This
aroused my master : he went to the quarters, tied the
man, and tied my wife, and took them to a swamp.
There they uncovered my wife, and compelled a girl to
whip her with the paddle to make her tell where I was.
It so stirred me with indignation to think they should
so foully abuse my wife, that I could have run a dagger
through their hearts and not thought it wrong : nor
have I yet got so far enlightened as to feel very differ-

212 the refugee; or a

ently about it now. She could not tell him, for she did
not know. The man also was punished, and put in
irons. They had no irons to fit her, and sent to the
blacksmith's shop to get some made : and had it not
been for some craft on her part that night, I should
never have got her away. Old Billy, with whom we
were usually left, was the blacksmith ; and while he
was going to make the irons, she was left with a
younger man who was a stupid sort of a fellow. It
was then nearly noon, and she had had no food for the
day. She was then at the quarters. She said to one
of the girls, " Maria, you go to the turnip-patch, and
get some salad, and I '11 go to the spring, get some wa-
ter, and put on the meat." She expected the fellow
would stop her, but he did not. She carried the pail
to the spring, about a quarter of a mile, then dropped
it, and made for the bush. It was a down-hill way at
first, but by and by, there was a rise and then they saw
her. Out came master, overseer, and many slaves, in
full run to catch her : but she was now nearly half a
mile ahead, and ran very fast. She got into the woods
which were very thick. Master then ordered a halt, —
he had found from the other slaves that I had a pistol,
powder, and ball. I had, indeed, and would have used
it, rather than they should take me or her. But I was
in another place at the time.

I had appointed a place where she was to come to
meet me : when I went she was not there. I then drew
near the house to ascertain what had happened, and
heard a loud laughing and talking in my cabin. I tried
to hear what it was about. I heard one of them say,
" Lord, how she did run across that field ! ha ! ha ! ha ! "
She had baked cakes for our journey, and they were
making merry over the flour cakes. Presently, I saw a

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 213

colored man, and whistled to him. He came up, and I
learned what had happened, and that all were then out
on a hunt for me, being stimulated by a promised re-
ward of ten dollars. All this set me into a tremble ; I
turned back, and went to the place I had appointed.
She was near by, saw me and ran to me, and so we
were together once more. We then walked nine miles
northwardly to a little village where I had put up my
clothes. The man who betrayed us had told our route.
I got the things and went to the barn close by: then my
wife was exhausted, and fell on the barn-floor. I had
a strong constitution, and could travel all the time ; but
she was so fatigued from the flogging, and the race, and
the long walk, that she fell on the barn-floor. I re-
turned to the house, and then walked to a tavern stable,
to hook three or four blankets to keep us warm on our
way north. If this was wrong, it was taught me by
the rascality of my master.

While at the tavern stable, I heard the dog bark at
the house I had left; I gathered three blankets and
bolted for the barn, expecting the scoundrels would be
pursuing my wife. I saw a candle burning bright in
the house, and moving from room to room. That fright-
ened me : I seized and shook her, — " wife ! wife ! mas-
ter is coming! " — but I could not awaken her. I gath-
ered her up, put her across my shoulder manfully,
jumped the fence, and ran with my burden about a
quarter of a mile. My heart beat like a drum, from the
thought that they were pursuing us. But my strength
at last gave out, and I laid her down under a fence, but
she did not awaken. I then crept back to the house to
see who was there and to get my things. The light I
had seen now came down stairs, and moved towards

214 the refugee: or a

the barn. I was so near that I saw the overseer and
six slaves, armed, searching for me.

Oh my soul! it makes my hair stand up to think how
near we were to getting caught, and carried back, to
be abused and maltreated unreasonably, and without
cause.

I was within five rods of them when they went into
the barn. They searched it thoroughly, as I saw be-
tween the rails of a fence. " Oh you rascals ! " I thought,
" you 're defeated now ! " — but 't was a close run and a
narrow chance. When they left the barn, I kept watch
of them. They returned the candle to the house, then
walked the way they had come, to the place where they
had left their mules. They stayed there about a half
an hour. I still kept watch of., them. I wanted to get
my things, but I was wise enough to know that every
time a slaveholder is out of sight, he is n't gone ; every
time his eye is shut, he is not asleep. They then re-
turned toward the house ; as they moved, I moved,
keeping the same distance from them. When they
were within about ten rods of the house, they
crouched down in readiness to shoot me when I might
approach the house. They had rendered me desperate
by their devilment, and knew I would fight: they would
not dare take me without shooting me first. I watched
them, and they watched for me, until the cocks crowed
for morning. It would not do for me to remain any
longer to get my clothes and provisions. I went back
to the place where I had left my wife ; she was then
easily awakened, and we hied to the woods to conceal
ourselves for the day. We had no provisions but a raw
ham. We dared not make a fire to broil it, so we ate
of it .raw; like a doe:. At nierht, between sunset and

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 215

dark, I went back to the house in the village — at the
door I saw a person with our things. They gave them
to me, and bade me God-speed, and that, if ever I was
taken, not to betray them. I then put forth, and, with
my wife, reached Canada. God save the Queen !

From Jackson to the Ohio River was called one hun-
dred and forty miles, — crossed the river to Cairo ; then
we footed through Illinois to Chicago ; all the way we
lay by days, and travelled nights. I forgot the name of
that city, and wandered out of the way, and got to a
river. It was the Mississippi, but I did not know it.
We crossed into Black Hawk territory. There I was
so lost and bewildered, that I had at last to go up to a
house to inquire the way. I found there a man with
true abolition principles, who told us the route. He
said a man and his wife had been carried back to sla-
very from that neighborhood. He dicl not take us across
the river, but we found a way over. Then we walked
on, — my wife was completely worn out : it was three
months from the time we left home before we slept in
a house. We were in the woods, ignorant of the roads,
and losing our way. At one time we came to a guide-
board, which said " 5 miles to Parks's Landing." I had
learned to spell out print a little. This was Sunday
night. I took the direction I wanted to travel as near
as I could, and we went on. On Wednesday afternoon
we came back to the same guide-board — "5 miles to
Parks's Landing." Many such roundabout cruises we
made, wearing ourselves out without advancing: this
was what kept us so long in the wilderness and in suf-
fering. I had suffered so much from white men, that I
had no confidence in them, and determined to push my-
self ihrongh without their help. Yet I had to ask at
last, and met with a friend instead of an enemy. At

216 the refugee; or a

Chicago money was made up to help me on, and I took
passage for Detroit, and then crossed to Windsor, in
Canada. That was the first time I set my foot on free
soil.

Work was dull among the French at Windsor. We
stayed there about six months. We heard of the
Queen's Bush, where any people might go and settle,
colored or poor, and might have a reasonable chance to
pay for the land. We set out to find the Queen's Bush
— went to Buffalo — thence to Black Rock — thence to
St. Catharines, and there I got straight instructions.
We had not a second suit of clothes apiece ; we had
one bedquilt and one blanket, and eighteen dollars in
money. I bought two axes in Hamilton, one for my-
self, and one for my wife ; half a dozen plates, knives
and forks, an iron pot, and a Dutch oven : that's all for
tools and furniture. For provisions I bought fifty weight
of flour, and twenty pounds of pork. Then we marched
right into the wilderness, where there were thousands
of acres of woods which the chain had never run round
since Adam. At night we made a fire, and cut down
a tree, and put up some slats like a wigwam. This
was in February, when the snow was two feet deep.
It was about fourteen years ago. We made our bed
of cedar boughs from a swamp. Thus we travelled
three or four days, seeing plenty of deer : wolves, as
plenty as sheep are now, were howling about us, and
bears were numerous.

At last I came to a place where I judged, from the
timber, the land was good — and so it proved. My
nearest neighbor was two miles off. I felt thankful that
I had got into a place where I could not see the face
of a white man. For something like five or six years,
I felt suspicious when I saw a white man, thinking he

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 217

was prying round to take some advantage. This was
because I had been so bedevilled and harassed by them.
At length that feeling wore off through kindness that I
received from some here, and from abolitionists, who
came over from the States to instruct us, and I felt that
it was not the white man I should dislike, but the mean
spirit which is in some men, whether white or black. I
am sensible of that now.

The settlers were to take as much land as they
pleased, when it should be surveyed, at various prices,
according to quality. Mine was the highest price, as I
had taken of the best land. It was three dollars seventy-
cents an acre. I took a hundred acres at first, and then
bought in fifty.

Myself and wife built us here a little log hut amid the
snow. We made it ourselves, shouldering the logs to
bring up to the place. We went to the cedar swamp,
and split out boards for the roof. We had plenty of
firewood, which served instead of blankets. Wolves,
any quantity, were howling about us constantly, night
and day — big, savage wolves, which alarmed the peo-
ple. Some men carrying meat, were chased by them.
Isaac Johnson was obliged to take up a tree. We got
used to them on our way here, and did not fear them at
all. In the spring, plenty of bears came about us after
sheep and hogs. One day my wife and I were walking
out, and we saw four bears in the cherry-trees eating
the fruit. My wife went for my gun, called some neigh-
bors, and we killed all four. Now the wolves are all gone,
and the deer and the bears are scarce. There are idle
men enough about here, colored and white, to drive
them away, when they had better be chopping and clear-
ing land.

We went to chopping, day and night; there was no

19

218 the refugee: or a

delay ; we logged the trunks with our own hands, with-
out cattle, or horses, or help, — all with our own hands,
and burned them. I raised that year one hundred and
ten bushels of spring wheat, and three hundred bushels
of potatoes on land which we had cleared ourselves,
and cultivated without plough or drag. All was done
with the hoe and hand-rake. This I can prove by
my nearest neighbors. I got the seed on credit of some
Dutchmen in the towns, by promising to work for them
in harvest. They put their own price on the seed, and
on my labor.

In the next winter we went to clearing again. My
wife worked right along with me : I did not realize it
then, for we were raised slaves, the women accustomed
to work, and undoubtedly the same spirit comes with
us here : I did not realize it then ; but now I see that
she was a brave woman. I thank God that freedom
has never overweighted us: some it has, but I have
worked to support it, and not to discourage it. I
thought I ought to take hold and work and go ahead,
to show to others that there is a chance for the colored
man in Canada ; to show the spirit of a man, and a de-
sire to improve his condition. As it is so often said by
slaveholders, that if the " niggers " were free, and put in
a place where they would be together they would starve
to death, I wanted to show to the contrary. I have one
hundred and fifty acres of land: one hundred and ten
of it cleared, and under good cultivation : two span of
horses, a yoke of oxen, ten milch cows and young cat-
tle, twenty head of hogs, forty head of sheep ; I have
two wagons, two ploughs, and two drags. I would like

to show this to that everlasting scoundrel, E , my

former master, and tell him, " All this I would have
done for you cheerfully, and thought myself at -home,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 219

and felt happy in doing it, if you would have let me :
but I am glad that you scarred and abused me, as it has
given to myself and my family the fruits of my own
labor." I would like to show it to those stout, able men,
who, while they might be independent here, remain in
the towns as waiters, blacking boots, cleaning houses,
and driving coaches for men, who scarcely allow them
enough for a living. To them I say, go into the back-
woods of Queen Victoria's dominions, and you can se-
cure an independent support. I am the man who has
proved it; never man came into an unsettled country
with lesser means to begin with. Some say, you can-
not live in the woods without a year's provisions, — but
this is not so : I have come here and proved to the con-
trary. I have hired myself out two days to get things
to work on at home one. If there is a man in the free
States who says the colored people cannot take care of
themselves, I want him to come here and see John Lit-
tle. There is no white blood in me; not a drop. My
mother's father was imported from Africa, and both my
grandparents on the father's side were also imported. I
can prove to him that every thing which was due on
the land is paid ; that I raised seven hundred bushels of
wheat last year, two hundred bushels of potatoes, one
hundred bushels of peas, two hundred and fifty bushels
of oats, ten tons of hay ; fattened fifteen hundred weight
of pork, one ox, besides other produce of less conse-
quence. I have now growing fifty acres of wheat, eigh-
teen acres of oats, ten of peas, one acre of potatoes,
and twenty acres of meadow grass : I have horses, oxen,
cows, hogs, sheep, and poultry in abundance. The man
who was " a bad nigger" in the South, is here a respect-
ed, independent farmer. I thank God that I am re-
spected in this neighborhood by the best men the country

220 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

can afford — can lend or borrow two thousand dollars
any time I am asked, or choose to ask for it. I do n't
say this for the sake of boasting — I say it to show that
colored men can take care of themselves, — and to an-
swer any who deny that Canada is a good country.

The " nigger " who was so " bad " among Southern-
ers, as to be scarred with whips, put in the stocks,
chained at his work, with ankles sore, from the irons,
months together, legally shot and maimed for life by a
boy who was too young to be trusted with a gun, sold
into Tennessee, his character " bad" sent after him to
debase him there, put in jail after jail, hunted by hounds
— stands up here at the North, a man respectable and
respected. I do n't ask any one to take my word for it,
merely. Ask the people of Peel, Wellesley, Woolwich,
and Waterloo — those are the places where I am
known, and where they can get acquainted with my char-
acter ; and I am willing it should be compared with
that of any slaveholder whatever.

The abuse a man receives at the South is enough to
drive every thing good from the mind. I sometimes
felt such a spirit of vengeance, that I seriously medi-
tated setting the house on fire at night, and killing all
as they came out. I overcame the evil, and never got
at it — but a little more punishment would have done
it. I had been so bruised and wounded and beset, that
I was out of patience. I had been separated from all
my relatives, from every friend I had in the world,
whipped and ironed till I was tired of it. On that
night when I was threatened with the paddle again, I
was fully determined to kill, even if I were to be hanged
and, if it pleased God, sent to hell : I could bear no
more. If any man thinks slavery a proper thing, let
him go and be abused as I was for years in North Gar-

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 221

olina, much of the time in agony from irons and whips
and paddles — then let him be sold off a thousand miles
into Tennessee, and begin to live it over again, and I
think he would be tired of it too.

I want every man that has the heart of a man, to put
down upon slavery with all his heart and soul, — be-
cause it is a curse — because it makes the feeling of
dislike to color, leading the white to abuse a "nigger"
because he is a " nigger," and the black to hate the
white because he abuses him.

In making my escape, my main difficulty was in
crossing the Ohio Bottoms, before reaching the river.
The water was black and deep. I bound our packages
on my wife's back, placed her on a log as a man rides
on horseback, and I swam, pushing the log, holding it
steady, to keep her up. Had the log turned right or
left, she would have slipped off, and the packs would
have sunk her. It would have been death, sure — but
worse than death was behind us, and to avoid that we
risked our lives. When we had crossed one, we would
presently come on another, and had to go through the
same again. By and by, I would think, this must be
the last, — but when we had crossed this, and gone
over some little island, there would be another. Oh
dear ! it seems as if I could see it now, — I almost re-
pented I had started, but on I went. There was an-
other and another — good swimming creeks : but when
I had crossed the last one, my spirits rose again — my
heart cheered up, and I thought I could go through all.

After we had got to a place where we intended to
pass the night, I would leave my wife, and go and look
ail around, to see if there was any white man. I was
like an old hunting dog, who, when he has treed a coon,
will not believe his eyes, but goes scenting about to see

19*

222 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

if the track has left the tree : if not, he will come back,
look at the coon, bark, and then scent again.

I was hunted like a wolf in the mountains, all the
way to Canada. In three months I had to go to many-
places to steal our food. I would have asked for it, but
if I did, it was, " Where is your pass ? " To avoid this
meanness, and the risk of capture, I w^as obliged to look
out for myself, and I made good use of my time. One
night, on entering a dairy near a farm-house, the door
creaked, and an old man called out, " Sa-a-1 ! " But I
took some cakes, and Sal made no answer.

When I was travelling in the North, I found that men
worked days, and slept nights without fear, because
they were honest. At the South they do not have this
comfort. The overseer watches through the day, and
the master is on the look-out in the night. I know this,
for many times, after my hard day's work, being but
half fed, I went out to steal a chicken, or a goose, or a
pig, as all slaves have to do, — at night, if the dog
barked sharp, I would see master at the window with a
gun. Sometimes the window would fly up — " who 's
that ? " — then the man must give an account of him-
self. They are doing wrong in robbing the slaves, and
so they are uneasy nights. When I first got into the
North, and heard a dog at night, I would dodge away
from the house, expecting to see the man of the house
start out with a musket, as I had down south: but I
was much astonished to find that they let a dog's bark
go for what it was worth. I saw then the difference
between free labor and slave labor : the northern man
labors in the day, and sleeps soundly all night. He
does not spend his day in laying deep schemes to whip
a " nigger's " back, and then start up at night, in unex-
pected places, like a ghost.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 223

One night, in Tennessee, my master heard a dog
bark ; he started up and ran out in his shirt, like a mad-
man, to the quarters. When he got there, he called to
us by name, saying some one had gone up to the house
to see his girls — two slave girls he kept at the house.
Every man was in his own cabin, but one old man of
sixty, who was out getting a little wood. He accused
him of going up to the great house to trouble his
people : the old man begged off, and finally was ex-
cused.

How can men, who know they are abusing others all
the day, lie down and sleep quietly at night, with big
barns of corn, and gin-houses full of cotton, when they
know that men feel revengeful, and might burn their
property, or even kill them ? Even now the thought of
my cruel abuses begins sometimes to creep up and kin-
dle my feelings, until I feel unhappy in my own house,
and it seems as if the devil was getting the better of
me ; I feel, then, that I could destroy that tyrant, who,
knowing that I was a man, cut me with a whip in a
manner worse than I will name. Then I think, " What
is the use ? here I am, a free man in Canada, and out
of his power." Yet 1 feel the stirrings of revenge. I
know that thousands at the South feel the same, for we
have counselled upon it; the slaveholders know this —
how will they sleep nights ? The slaveholder is afraid
of his slaves : it cannot be otherwise. Some have been
round the borders of slavery, and seen a little of the
edges of it, and they think they know a great deal
about it, but they are mistaken. I have been in slav-
ery, and know its worst is hid from them. They have
all the laws and customs of the country in their favor,
and yet they find something to grumble about: how
then can they expect the slaves, whose feelings are

224 the refugee: or a

wretched, even when they are best used, can be happy
and contented ? They say the slaves are happy, be-
cause they laugh, and are merry. I myself, and three
or four others, have received two hundred lashes in the
day, and had our feet in fetters : yet, at night, we would
sing and dance, and make others laugh at the rattling
of our chains. Happy men we must have been! We
did it to keep down trouble, and to keep our hearts
from being completely broken : that is as true as gos-
pel! Just look at it, — consider upon it, — must not
we have been very happy ? Yet I have done it myself
— I have cut capers in chains !

MES. JOHN LITTLE.

I was born in Petersburg, Va. When very young,
I was taken to Montgomery county. My old master
died there, and I remember that all the people were
sold. My father and mother were sold together about
one mile from me. After a year, they were sold a
great distance, and I saw them no more. My mother
came to me before she went away, and said, " Good by,
be a good girl ; I never expect to see you any more."

Then I belonged to Mr. T N , the son of my

old master. He was pretty good, but his wife, my mis-
tress, beat me like sixty. Here are three scars on my
right hand and arm, and one on my forehead, all from
wounds inflicted with a broken china plate. My cousin,
a man, broke the plate in two pieces, and she said,
" Let me see that plate." I handed up the pieces to
her, and she threw them down on me : they cut four

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 225

gashes, and T bled like a butcher. One piece cut into
the sinew of the thumb, and made a great knot per-
manently. The wound had to be sewed up. This
long scar over my right eye, was from a blow with a
stick of wood. One day she knocked me lifeless with
a pair of tongs, — when I came to, she was holding me
up, through fright. Some of the neighbors said to her,
" Why do n't you learn Eliza to sew ? " She answered,
" I only want to learn her to do my housework, that's
all." I can tell figures when I see them, but cannot
read or write.

I belonged to them until I got married at the age of
sixteen, to Mr. John Little, of Jackson. My master
sold me for debt, — he was a man that would drink,

and he had to sell me. I was sold to F T , a

planter and slave-trader, who soon after, at my persua-
sion, bought Mr. Little.

I was employed in hoeing cotton, a new employ-
ment : my hands were badly blistered. " Oh, you must
be a great lady," said the overseer, " can't handle the
hoe without blistering your hands ! " I told him I
could not help it. My hands got hard, but I could
not stand the sun. The hot sun made me so sick I
could not work, and, John says if I had not come
away, they would surely have sold me again. There
was one weakly woman named Susan, who could not
stand the work, and she was sold to Mississippi, away
from her husband and son. That 's one way of taking
care of the sick and weak. That 's the way the plant-
ers do with a weakly, sickly " nigger," — they say " he 's
a dead expense to 'em," and put him off as soon as
they can. After Susan was carried off, her husband
went to see her : when he came back he received two
hundred blows with the paddle.

226 the refugee: or a

I staid with T more than a year. A little be-
fore I came away. I heard that master was going to
give my husband three hundred blows with the paddle.
He came home one night with an axe on his shoulder,
tired with chopping timber. I had his clothes all
packed up, for I knew he would have to go. He came
hungry, calculating on his supper, — I told him what
was going. I never heard him curse before — he
cursed then. Said he, " If any man, white or black,
lays his hand on me to-night, I'll put this axe clear
through him — clear through him : " and he would
have done it, and I would not have tried to hinder him.
Bat there was a visitor at the house, and no one came :
he ran away. Next morning, the overseer came for
him. The master asked where he was ; I could have
told him, but would not. My husband came back no
more.

When we had made arrangements for leaving, a
slave told of us. Not long after, master called to me,
" Come here, my girl, come here." I went to him : he
tied me by the wrist with a rope. He said, " Oh, my
girl, I don't blame you, — you are young, and do n't
know ; it 's that d — d infernal son of a — ; if I had him
here, I'd blow a ball through him this minute." But
he was deceived about it : I had put John up to hurry-
ing off.

Then master stood at the great house door, at a loss
what to do. There he had Willis, who was to have
run away with us, and the man who betrayed us. At
last he took us all off about half a mile to a swamp,

where old A need not hear us as he was going to

meeting, it being Sunday. He whipped Willis to
make him tell where we were going. Willis said,
" Ohio State." " What do you want to be free for ?

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 227

G — d — you, what do you know about freedom?
Who was going with you ? " " Only Jack." G — d —
Jack to h— , and you too." While they were whip-
ping Willis, he said, " Oh, master, I '11 never run away."
" I did n't ask you about that, you d — d son of a — ,
you." Then they -tried to make him tell about a slave
girl who had put her child aside : but he knew nothing
about that. As soon as they had done whipping him,
they put a plough clavis about his ankle to which they
attached a chain which was secured about his neck
with a horse-lock.

Then they took a rheumatic boy, who had stopped
with us, whom I had charged not to tell. They whipped
him with the paddle, but he said he was ignorant of it :
he bore the whipping, and never betrayed us. Then
they questioned him about the girl and the child, as if
that boy could know any thing about it ! Then came
my turn; they whipped me in the same way they did the
men. Oh, those slaveholders are a brutish set of peo-
ple, — the master made a remark to the overseer about
my shape. Before striking me, master questioned me
about the girl. I denied all knowledge of the affair. I
only knew that she had been with child, and that now
she was not, but I did not tell them even that. I was
ashamed of my situation, they remarking upon me. I
had been brought up in the house, and was not used to
such coarseness. Then he (master) asked, " Where is
Jack ? " "I don't know." Said he, " Give her h— ,

R ." That was his common word. Then they

struck me several blows with the paddle. I kept on
telling them it was of no use to whip me, as I knew
nothing to tell them. No irons were ready for me, and
I was put under a guard, — but I was too cunning for
him, and joined my husband.

228 the refugee; or a

My shoes gave out before many days, — then I wore
my husband's old shoes till they were used up. Then
we came on barefooted all the way to Chicago. My
feet were blistered and sore and my ankles swollen ;
but I had to keep on. There was something behind
me driving me on. At the first water we came to I
was frightened, as I was not used to the water. It was
a swift but shallow stream : my husband crossed over,
and I was obliged to follow. At the Ohio Bottoms
was a great difficulty, —the water was in some places
very deep, — it was black, dirty water. I was scared
all but to death : but I had become somewhat used to
hardship. If I had seen a white face, I would have
run into the river.

By and by, we succeeded in crossing the last one.
Then we struck a light at a shingle-getter's shanty,
made a fire with the clapboards and dried ourselves.
We were merry over our success in getting so far along,
and had a good laugh as we burned the boards and part
of the shanty itself. I felt afraid at getting into a boat
to cross the Ohio River : I had never been in any boat
whatever. Now to get on this in the night, frightened
me. "John," said I, "don't you think we'll drown?'5
" I don't care if we do," said he. We reached Cairo
well enough.

We never slept at the same time ; while one slept,
the other kept watch, day or night. Both of us never
slept at one time, — if we had, we would not have
reached Canada. One morning, as I was watching by
a fire we had made, John sleeping, I saw a dog, and
told John. Said he, "'tis some old white man hunting
a hog, — however, we had better go from this fire." We
went down into a valley and there remained. In the
afternoon, an hour before sunset, a white man Came

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 229

suddenly upon us, while we were getting ready for a
night's march, I started to run : John stood. The
man said, " Stop, there ! " But I kept on ; his face was
so white, that I wanted nothing to do with him. John
said, " What did you say ? " " Stop, there." John
said, "I'll do no such thing." Then hard language
passed between them. The man said, "I'll have a
pack of hounds after you before night," John answered
him with an oath to frighten him, " You had better do
it, and be off yourself, or I '11 blow a ball through you."
The man never had heard a negro swear at him before.
They are generally so cowed down, that John's swear-
ing at him, alarmed him more than a bullet from a
white man. It showed that he was desperate, — and
that was the only reason why he used such language.
The man struck spurs to his horse, and went off in a
hurry. We followed him, as he went the same way we
were going, and kept as close to him as we could: for,
if the man got hounds he would start them at the place
where he had seen us; and coming back over the same
route with hounds, horses, and men, would kill our
track, and they could not take us. But we saw no
more of the man.

Soon after dark, we came to a lake. We found an
old white man there in a shanty, who was caring for a
slave that had been shot by his master a few days be-
fore. We went in and saw him, — - he was an old,
gray-headed man. His master had threatened him
with a flogging, and he took to the river : just as he
reached the water, his master shot him behind. But
he got across. He was wounded, and without hat or
shoes. In this place we were informed about our route.
It was in Kentucky.

While we were stopping at the shanty, a day or two,

20

2o0 the refugee; or a

John went out one evening with the old man, to hunt
for provisions. I went to bed, By and by the dogs
barked ; the door opened, and by the tire I saw five
white men. One said, " Who you got here ? " " Only
my own family." I was afraid, and crept out slyly on
my hands and knees, and hid behind an ash-barrel until
they were gone.

In a few days we crossed the ferry. Then we went
on, and were without provisions, except some corn,
which we parched. We met here a runaway slave,
who knew the route of the country above us. He was
returning to his master, where he had a wife and chil-
dren.

At Cairo, the gallinippers were so bad, we made a
smoke to keep them off. Soon after I heard a bell ring.
Said I, " John, somebody ?s dead." It was a steamboat
bell tolling. Presently there she was, a great boat full
of white men. We were right on the river's bank, and
our fire sent the smoke straight up into the calm. We
lay flat on the ground, John read the name— -Maria.
No one noticed us : after the boat was gone, we had a
hearty laugh at our good luck. Thinking there was no
more trouble, we did not put out our fire. Presently
came a yawl boat : they saw our fire, and hailed, " Boat
ashore ! boat ashore !, runaway niggers ! runaway nig-
gers ! " We lay close, and the boat kept on. We put
out our fire, and went further back from the river, but
the musquitoes were so bad, we made another fire.
But a man with a gun then came along, looking up into
the trees. I scattered the fire to put it out, but it
smoked so much the worse. We at last hid in a thicket
of briers, where we were almost devoured by musqui-
toes, for want of a little smoke.

Next day I lay down to sleep, while John kept watch.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 231

When I awoke, I told him I had dreamed about a white
cow, which still seemed a white woman, and that I
feared we would be caught. We were in the woods, in
a low, damp place, where there was no bit of a road,
and we knew not where the road was. We started to
find a road, and then met with a white woman. I re-
minded John of my dream. " Good evening, good
evening," said she. My husband asked if she would
sell him some bread : this was to make conversation, so
he could inquire the road. " Oh yes, just come to my
house, I'll give you some bread." We went to the
house, and presently her husband came in. He asked,
" Have you got free papers ? " John answered, " No."
" Where are you travelling to ? " " To the upper lakes."
" We are not allowed to let a colored man go through
here without free papers : if we do, we are liable to a
fine of forty dollars." He allowed us to remain all
night, — but in the morning we were to go before a
squire at Dorrety, and, if we were free, we would go on.
This was the woman's arrangement : the man did not
seem inclined to stop us. She said, " If we stop you,
we shall get fifty dollars apiece for you: that's a —
good — deal — of — money, — you know." The man
asked John if he had a pistol. John produced one.
The man said 't was no harm, he would take care of it
for him, — and locked it up. They lived in a little,
dirty log hut : they took the bed off the bedstead, and
lay down on it close to the door, so that it could not be
opened without disturbing him. The man took a nice
silver-mounted pistol from a cupboard, loaded it, and
placed it where he could reach it in the night. We lay
on the bedstead — they on the floor. She was the evil
one : she had made the plans. Their name was Smith.
At about three o'clock in the morning, husband

232 THE REFUGEE I OR A

aroused me, — "I'm going away from here ; I do n't
value them, now other folks are asleep." We both got
up. * John spoke roughly, " Mr. Smith ! Mr. Smith ! "
He aroused : " we are unwell, and must pass out, —
we '11 be back very soon." Mr. Smith got up very
readily, and pulled the bed away a little, so we could
slip out. As John passed by the pistol, he put his hand
on it, and took it in exchange for his old one. It is a
beautiful rifle pistol, percussion lock, — John has been
offered fifteen dollars for it. If the man will come here
with John's old flint lock, my husband will exchange
back, and give him boot. I am very sorry for my friend,
Mrs. Smith, that she did not get the hundred dollars to
go a shopping with in Dorrety — am much obliged to
her for our night's lodging. We wTent across a small
stream, and waited for daylight. Then we went on to
Dorrety, and passed through the edge of it, without
calling on the squire, as we had not time.

One Sunday morning, being on a prairie where we
could see no house — about fifty miles west of Spring-
field— we ventured to travel by day. We encountered
an animal, which we at first supposed to be a dog ; but
when he came near, we concluded it to be a wolf. He
yelped something like a dog: he did not attack us. We
went on and crossed a stream, and then we saw three
large wood-wolves, sneaking around as if waiting for
darkness. As we kept on, the three wolves kept in
sight, now on one hand, and now on the other. I felt
afraid, expecting they would attack us : but they left us.
Afterward we made a fire with elder-stalks, and I un-
dertook to make some corn bread. I got it mixed, and
put it on the fire, — when I saw a party of men and
boys on horseback, apparently approaching us. I put
out the fire ; they turned a little away, and did not ap-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 233

pear to perceive us : I rekindled the fire, and baked our
bread. John managed to keep us well supplied with
pies and bread. We used to laugh to think how people
would puzzle over who drank the milk and left the
pitchers, and who hooked the dough.

I got to be quite hardy — quite used to water and
bush-whacking; so that by the time I got to Canada, I
could handle an axe, or hoe, or any thing. I felt proud
to be able to do it — to help get cleared up, so that we
could have a home, and plenty to live on. I now enjoy
my life very well — I have nothing to complain of.
We have horses and a pleasure-wagon, and I can ride
out when and where I please, without a pass. The
best of the merchants and clerks pay me as much atten-
tion as though I were a white woman : I am as politely
accosted as any woman would wish to be.

I have lost two children by death ; one little girl is
all that is spared to me. She is but four years old. I
intend to have her well educated, if the Lord lets us

20*

CHATHAM.

" At Chatham," said Mr. John Little, " the fugitives
are as thick as blackbirds in a corn-field." Here, in-
deed, more fully than anywhere else, the traveller real-
izes the extent of the American exodus. At every tarn,
he meets members of the African race, single or in
groups; he sees them building and painting houses,
working in mills, engaged in every handicraft employ-
ment : here he notices a street occupied by colored shop-
keepers and clerks : if he steps into the environs, he
finds the blacks in every quarter, busy upon their gar-
dens and farms.

The white population of Chatham is reckoned at
four thousand : the number of colored persons in the
town may be safely estimated at eight hundred. If to
this estimate is added the number residing in the neigh-
borhood, the total amount cannot be less than two
thousand. A gentleman, holding an office in the town,
and who, having been one of the earliest settlers, has seen
the town grow up around him, remarked of the colored
population, " They are as good a body of people as
you can find anywhere : " and their general appearance,
and attention to business confirm his opinion.

Among that portion of the whites who put a high
value on their prejudices, and a lofty estimate on their
own personal importance, there seems to be a ,dread

(234)

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 235

that some terrible and unpardonable crime, termed
" saueiness " may yet become rife among the blacks. A
white farmer in the vicinity of Chatham, manifested in
conversation a great dislike of the colored residents.
His main objection to them seemed to be, that, on one
occasion, as somebody had told him, four or five of them
kept the side-walk, whereby a white woman was obliged
to step off, — " that 's the way 't is with 'em, — they '11
get so saucy, by and by, that there'll be a rebellion."
On mentioning this circumstance to a colored man, he
answered, " I have had to step off fifty times for impu-
dent white fellows, — but I do not blame all the whites
for it : but if a colored man does any thing out of the
way, his fault is tacked to the whole of us." And this
is too much the case.

In another part of Canada, a white man expressed
lively fears that the negroes would yet become " saucy."
He explained this term as applicable to "language
which would be well enough from a white man, but
out of the way from a negro, — because a man won't
take from one of them, what he would from a white
man." " And why should he not ? " " Why — he
tvonH."

In 1832, there were in Chatham, but two or three
shops, and a few houses. The oldest deed on record is
dated 1801. In 1837, two steamboats commenced ply-
ing to Detroit, one occasionally extending its trips to
Buffalo. The facilities thus afforded to trade, proved
highly conducive to the prosperity of the town: but
Chatham "took its great start" in 1852, while the
Great Western Railway was constructing. Colored
people began to come in at the first settlement of the
town : at present they are increasing in a greater ratio
than the whites. They maintain separate churches,

236 THE REFUGEE J OR A

and attend a separate public school. This the writer
visited, and found fifty pupils of both sexes in attend-
ance under a colored teacher. A private school is
taught by Mr. Alfred "Whipper, a colored man. This
school appeared to be in very good condition : fifty-
eight colored pupils of both sexes were present.

It was in Chatham, that the writer first heard of the
Associations called True Bands. A True Band had
just been formed here, enrolling at first three hundred
and seventy-five members, and it was continually re-
ceiving accessions of numbers. On inquiry, the follow-
ing was furnished as an answer to the question, what
is meant by a True Band ?

A True Band is composed of colored persons of both
sexes, associated for their own improvement. Its ob-
jects are manifold: mainly these: — the members are
to take a general interest in each other's welfare ; to
pursue such plans and objects as may be for their mu-
tual advantage ; to improve all schools, and to induce
their race to send their children into the schools ; to break
down all prejudice ; to bring all churches as far as pos-
sible into one body, and not let minor differences divide
them ; to prevent litigation by referring all disputes
among themselves to a committee ; to stop the begging
system entirely ; (that is, going to the United States,
and there by representing that the fugitives are starving
and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which
the fugitives never receive the benefit, — misrepresent-
ing the character of the fugitives for industry, and un-
derrating the advance of the country, which supplies
abundant work for all at fair wages ;) to raise such
funds among themselves as may be necessary for the
poor, the sick, and the destitute fugitive newly arrived ;
and to prepare themselves ultimately to bear their due
weight of political power.

NORTH-SLDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 237

The first True Band was organized in Maiden, in
September, 1854. It consists of six hundred members.
It is represented as having thus far fulfilled its objects
admirably. Since its organization, no action at law
has been brought by one member against another : their
differences being arranged by a committee of arbitra-
tion. A small monthly payment is made by the mem-
bers. The receipts have enabled them to meet all cases
of destitution, and leave a surplus in the treasury. In
all other places where the bands have been organized,
the same good results, as I was creditably informed,
have followed as in Maiden : thus showing that the
colored population possess the means and the will,
wThen acting in concert, to take care of themselves and
of the strangers as they arrive. There are now four-
teen True Bands organized in various sections of Can-
ada West.

What in the above sketch of the bands is character-
ized as "the begging system," meets the almost univer-
sal reprobation of the colored people of Canada. Many
of them express themselves with indignation against it :
" We have heard that thousands of dollars have been
raised for us in the United States, but we never received
any of it ; a great deal of clothing, but it never reached
us. Not that we want the money or the clothing ; we
can support ourselves : but we do n't want others beg-
ging over our backs : representing us as starving and
freezing through our own laziness and vice, and thus
injuring our character while they pretend to befriend
us, — 'meanwhile, subserving nobody's interest but their
own. What cases of suffering occur, can be taken care
of here." Some expressed a wish that those who were
disposed to give money, should give it to the fugitive
on his way, or use it to relieve those who suffer from

238 the refugee; or a

having assisted fugitives. One case was named to me
of a man who raised a sum of money in the United
States for some imaginary persons, whom he called
suffering, starving fugitives, and who, on his return,
erected for himself a fine dwelling-house. By and by,
wanting a fence about his premises, he again raised a
sum of money for some more miserable fugitives, and,
soon after, his grounds were duly fenced in. Many
similar stories are in circulation. What part of them
is true, and how much is scandal, it may be difficult
to determine : but every one at all acquainted with the
present status of Upper Canada, knows that any man
there, able to labor, can readily find work, and get his
pay for it when it is done. The cases of suffering and
destitution occasioned by sickness and improvidence,
can be best relieved by local institutions. The annual
report of " The Toronto Ladies' Association for the
relief of destitute Colored Fugitives " for 1853 - 1855,
states, u During the past inclement winter, much suf-
fering was alleviated, and many cases of extreme hard-
ship prevented. Throughout the year, the committee
continued to observe the practice of appointing weekly
visitors to examine into the truth of every statement
made by applicants for aid. In this way between two
and three hundred eases have been attended to, each
receiving more or less, according to their circumstances.',
How much money was disbursed during the year is
not stated : the amount of subscriptions and donations
for the year was a little more than one hundred and
sixty pounds. Of this society, Mrs. Arnold is presi-
dent ; Mrs. Willis treasurer, and Mrs. Henning corre-
sponding secretary.

The Rev. Hiram Wilson succeeded a few years since,
in organizing in St. Catharines, a " Refugee -Slaves'

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 239

Friend Society," which embraces many of the most
respectable citizens of the place. If these and similar
well-managed associations, which practise a judicious
system of expenditure, see fit to appeal to friends of the
fugitives in the United States, there can be no doubt
of a suitable response.

The opinions of a portion of the fugitives themselves
on the subject of charities in their behalf will be found
among the narratives which follow.

J. C. BROWN.

I was born in Frederick county, Va. My father was
a white man ; my mother a mixed blood. She was

given away by a man named N — to a man named

B , so that she could not appear at a court against

N. on a suit for her freedom and her three children's.
B. took her to Kentucky : therefore, myself and brother
and sister remained slaves with N. He in a short time
removed to Kentucky. At fifteen, I was hired to Capt.
George Smith, who volunteered to go to Tippecanoe.
I was fifer in his company. The freedom of myself,
Moses, and some others was promised us on our return.
But the last time I saw Moses, he was bowed down in
hellish slavery in Little Rock, Ark., and I had the
misfortune to have to pay N. eighteen hundred dollars
for my freedom — my step-father and mother hiring
my time for six years. Neal was captain of the Silver
Greys, who did not go to war, being over forty-five, —
they reported whether any negroes were disaffected,
and strong suspicion fell on me — but it was false. At

240 THE REFUGEE : OR A

that time there were many colored people joined in a
conspiracy to get their freedom, and wore as a mark, a
plait in the hair over the left eye. This was discovered,
— many were whipped, and had the plait cut off. The
conspiracy extended over three hundred miles, from
Maysville to Henderson.

A free colored man named Freeribbon, who lived
four miles from Louisville, was suspected as the author
of this conspiracy. F., his wife and daughter kept an
inn, and he had a blacksmith's shop to accommodate
with farriery those who stopped with him. They
searched the shop, — under it they found old guns,
butcher-knives, and other implements for killing. He
was put in jail and condemned to be hung, — but hav-
ing many friends, he was reprieved on condition that
he should be sent to some Spanish mine, and there
remain the rest of his days. He was sent to the mines.
After twenty years, a white man in the neighborhood
committed murder. Under the gallows he confessed
that he had been employed by three near neighbors of
Freeribbon, and that they paid him for putting the im-
plements under F.'s floor. One of the three was a con-
gressman, one a colonel, one a gentleman. In conse-
quence of their crime, F. had been sent off, and his fine
farm confiscated. When this was made known, the
court sent for Freeribbon. He came back, and 1 saw
him — a heart-broken man. The colonel afterward
poisoned himself.

After I became a free man, I carried on the mason
business in Bardstown, Shelby ville, and Louisville.
My misfortunes now began. I had been used well as
a slave, for my mistress was my aunt. I was an ob-
ject of jealousy to the white mechanics, because I was
more successful in getting jobs. They threatened me,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 241

unless I left the neighborhood, to break every bone in
my body, I was then finishing a large building for

Capt. Nelson. He said he would see M , leader of

my enemies, and stop their proceedings : but M

still continued his threats. About the same time, I
saw a free colored man whipped. This grieved and
alarmed me. I burst into tears ; I went to my mother
and told her I would leave a slave country and go to a
free country. I had been married about two years.
In 1819, under the advice of Stratford Gowen and
Benjamin Lundy, I was sent to Texas to find shelter
and suitable situations for free people of color. Meet-
ing there with Mr. Black or Blake, then a member of the
council of that colony, he told me that Texas was to be
a great cotton and sugar-growing country, and would
one day be annexed to the United States. He said a
majority of the council were opposed to having a free
colored settlement in Texas,' and it would be useless
for me to look further. I then returned to Louisville,
and in a short time removed with my family to Cincin-
nati.

At this time, a white man of a Quaker family, named
Hethers, was teaching colored children in Louisville.
The slaveholders being very suspicious of him, hired a
colored barber named Tillman, a slave, to get Hethers
into his shop and ask him to write a free paper. Capt.

T G and S B concealed themselves

under the counter in Tillman's shop. Hethers came in,
and the colored man asked him his charge for writing a
frecpaper to come to Canada. He told him, if he was
to write one, he would not charge him any thing.
Tillman said, "No — you must have twenty dollars," —
as he had been instructed. He asked Hethers if he
1 bought the papers would pass him good to Canada.

21

242 the refugee; or a

Hethers told him " Yes, but he had better call on J. C,
Brown, in Cincinnati, who was, he understood, a very
clever man, and could give him instructions." So I
got into a scrape without knowing it.

It was a few days after that, I went to Louisville to
settle up some business. Hethers had been seized by
the two white men and was now in jail. The night I
got down, a man named Shaw came to me, and told
me that some gentlemen wanted to see me in Dr. Tal-
bot's shop. I went there ; M , my old enemy was

there. He asked me who raised me? '"Squire Neal
of Shelby." " You are a sample of some Gf his rais-
ing. Do you know what we sent for you for ? " "I
do not." He then raised an oil cloth, and showed
pistols, bowie-knives, ropes, and cow-hides. Said hey
" this is what we sent for you for; and I'll tell you
what you are to do. To-morrow morning at 10 o'clock,
you are to go to court, where Hethers is to be tried, and
testify that Hethers is writing free passes for our nig~
gers to be taken to you, and for you to forward to Can-
ada." I denied that it was so, and told them I didn't
know Hethers. " Take me to the jail and let Hethers
see me, and if he says he ever saw me or knew me,

turn the key upon me and give me a trial." M was

then a Methodist preacher, and is yet. He said, " Hear
him, — he wants to be tried like a white man! but we
have a trial for you in Bullock's woods." He then told
me if I failed to appear and testify as they said, I
should be taken to the woods at night, then tied up and
receive nine hundred lashes : one hundred apiece from

nine of them. They consulted Dr. T , as to whether

I could take the nine hundred blows and live. He felt
of my body and said I was a man of great muscle, —
he told them where to chalk me about the shoulders,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 243

and so as to avoid the kidneys. I said to them, " Gen-
tlemen, I have a wife and two children, and of what
use can I be to take care of them after you have given

me nine hundred lashes ? " M said, " That 's their

look-out, not ours." They dismissed me with the in-
junction that I should attend the court. I did not
attend it, believing that I had many friends in Louis-
ville who would not let them use me so.

Just after dark, on the evening after the court, I was
at my mother-in-law's with my family, and was in-
vited to stop to supper. Knowing that I drank water,
the old lady was going to the pump, when she met a
mob of white men coming. One of them told her to
run to the house and tell me to flee for my life, or my
life would be taken. She fainted and fell. While I
sat at the table, fearing that all was not right, I came
down to the foot of the stairs, and there saw three or
four white-hatted gentlemen looking up the stairs, and
many others behind them. I walked out through them
bareheaded — they did not recognize me — I heard
them say, "Hush! hush!" to each other as I passed
through the crowd. I got to a steamboat landing,
where were several boats going next day, and went on
board a Pittsburg boat bound to Cincinnati. I told
my situation to a man, who then locked me up in a
state-room. Next morning, the slaveholders went
aboard all the boats and ordered them not to take me
out of the city. "We left next morning at 9 o'clock,
Capt. Y not knowing that I was on board.

After we got twelve miles from Louisville, they rung
the bell for passengers to pay their fare. Not wishing
any charge against the man who had concealed me, I
had come out on deck. The clerk asked my name, — I
told him " J. C. Brown." He would n't take my money,

244 the refugee; or a

but went for the captain. He came and said, " I can
get more money by running back to Louisville, than I
can by going to Pittsburg." I told him he had better
do it. He said, " No insolence ! " and then told a young
man, a deck hand, to " camp me." That fellow's back
soon felt the deck, and I made for the captain ; he rang
the bell, and called help, who seized me, and chained
me to the capstan-bar, where I was kept nearly all the
distance to Cincinnati. I got a wan-ant for false im-
prisonment against Capt. Y. It was to be served by
one Doty, but he always pretended he never could catch
him. I got no recompense nor justice for that treat-
ment.

Three years after this affair, the law of 1804, known
as the Ohio black law, was revived in that State, and
enforced. By this law, every colored man was to give
bonds in $500 not to become a town charge, and to
find bonds also for his heirs. No one could employ a
colored man or colored woman to do any kind of labor,
under penalty of $100. There were then about 3,000
colored people there — by this law they were thrown
out of employment. I was then clearing $600 a year,
and refused to give bonds. The colored people had a
meeting, and talked about a court of appeals to test the
law. Some talked of going to Texas, — we knew not
what to do : we were sore perplexed. I spoke to them
of Canada, and we formed a Colonization Society, of
which I was President. I wrote for the Board to Sir
John Colborne, at Little York, now Toronto, to know if
we could find in Canada an asylum for ourselves, our
wives, and children. Two members of the Board went
with the letter to Toronto, and were well received by
Sir John. He wrote us to remove into Canada with
our wives and children, if we chose to do so ; and that

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 245

so long as we remained true and loyal subjects, we
should have every privilege extended to us that was
enjoyed by any of her majesty's subjects, no distinction
being made on account of color. I have his letter now
in my possession — his memorable words. Mr. Ham-
monds, our friend, editor of a daily paper in Cincinnati,
published the letter at my request. The publication
made an excitement in the corporation of Cincinnati.
Two or three of us, including myself, were sent for by
the city government, next day. The reason was, as
Mr. Hotchkiss said, that I, as one of the leading spirits,
was doing a great deal of mischief; for every one that
I took off to Canada was a sword drawn against the
United States. At this time Cincinnati was full of
women, without husbands, and their children. These
were sent there by planters from Louisiana and Missis-
sippi, and some from Tennessee, who had now got for-
tunes, and had found that white women could live in
those States. In consequence, they had sent their
slave- wives and children to Cincinnati, and set them
free. They had begun to come about the close of the
last war. Cincinnati was the great point for them. I
was agent of a man who had eighteen of these headless
families in one house. I asked the Mayor, " Now that
they have deprived us of work, who is to go begging
for these people, to keep them alive ? " He said they
were taking steps to have the law repealed, and wished
me to stay any action about sending people to Canada.
I paid no attention to what he told me, and sent
three wagon loads out to Sandusky next day. In three
or four weeks I and my family left — came to Sandusky
— thence I took a boat, the " Gov. Cass," and went to
Little York, where I entered into a contract with the
Canada Company, for a township of land, agreeing to

21*

246 the refugee; or a

pay $6,000 a year, for ten years. It was the township
of Biddulph. The black law had now become inoper-
ative in Cincinnati, and the colored people wrote me,
that they could now walk without being pushed off the
side-walks, were well used, and were living in clover.
Of 2,700 who were to have come, only 460 came out.
They settled promiscuously in the province, buying land
here and there, and getting work. Only five or six fam-
ilies of them settled in Biddulph. Three weeks after
they settled, fifteen families from Boston, Mass., met
them there, and settled there, where they remain. We
only paid for 1,220 acres, which was divided, from 25
to 50 acres to a family. Numbers, who came after-
ward, had to leave for other places. These families in
Biddulph are now independent. Their lands now will
sell at forty to fifty dollars an acre : it cost one dollar
and fifty cents. I settled in Toronto, where I could
have some means of making myself useful for them
among the white people, and where my trade was
good.

My wife became dissatisfied, and I removed with her
and my daughter, — my son having died, — to Cincin-
nati, where I remained thirteen months. I went on to
Louisville, to see my old mother. This was some six

or seven years from the M scrape. I saw my old

mother, anil just as I was taking a seat at the table, an
officer popped into the room, shook hands with me, and
said he wanted to speak with me. I went into another
room with him — he put his hand on my shoulder, and
said, " You are my prisoner." I was put in jail, charged
with running off large quantities of slaves : my accuser,

Mr. G D , said I had crossed the river at Utica,

Charleston, and Madison, with large droves of slaves.
The third day I wrote an advertisement for Mr. Penn's

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 247

paper, offering $100 reward for any credible evidence
of my having done as was alleged. The court released
me on $2,500 bail : two persons recognized in $1,000
each, and I was taken for the $500. On the evening
of the day I gave the bonds, three men came out at me,
and drew pistols, which they fired at the ground about
my feet : this, my friends supposed, was to frighten me,
and induce me to run off, so that my securities might
forfeit their bonds. The Grand-Jury failed to find a
bill, and I was discharged.

I returned to Cincinnati. My wife had seen so much
of my persecution, that she was more anxious to return
to Canada than she had been to leave it. We returned
to Toronto, and I was a gunner there in the Patriot
war. I removed to Dawn, and was elected one of the
trustees of the school in that place. From Dawn I
came to Chatham about 1849. Chatham was then a
little village of frame buildings and log cabins. There
were then no masons, bricklayers, or plasterers among
the colored men. I went for some, and got them here,
and we are now able to build a house from the stump.
We can cut the timber and make the brick. The
greater part of the bricklaying and plastering is in the
hands of the colored mechanics. There are four
churches of colored people which are well filled. We
have separate schools which are tolerably well attended,
— the Sunday school is very numerously attended.
There are three charitable societies of men, and two of
women, which do much good, relieving the wants of
the, sick and destitute. There is a great deal of prop-
erty owned here by the colored people : their number
has doubled in two years, mainly by immigration,
which continues still — especially of fugitive slaves, —
sometimes twenty in one day. Many agents have

248 TIIE REFUGEE *, OK A

come here, nominally to assist the fugitives, but some
of them have not been so honest as one could wish.
They collected money, but the fugitives did not get it.
However, what money the fugitives have received, has
been an injury, rather than a benefit. I have seen cases
where the money would have done good, if rightly dis-
tributed.

Our children growing up in this country, and not
having the fear of any white man, and being taught to
read and write, will grow up entirely different from
their fathers, — of more benefit to themselves, of more
benefit to the government, and will be more able to set
good examples to the rising generation. Intelligent par-
ents will raise up intelligent children.

Slavery disarms a man of virtue, — of every thing:
it prevents his being a man. Anticipation is what we
live for, — it makes us anxious to improve ourselves
and our children ; but the slave anticipates nothing, but
the setting of the sun, or the passage of some law to
curtail what little of privilege he possesses. The effects
of slavery are perceptible here in our courts. I have
seen fugitives, brought as witnesses, afraid to testify
against a white man. This is a part of the horrid
effects of slavery. The younger ones are better than
this. They grow up without slavish fear : they know
nothing about it.

PHILIP YOUNGER.

I served in slavery fifty -five years, and am now nearly
seventy-two years old. I was born in Virginia, went, at
ten, to Tennessee ; at twelve, to Alabama : was, all

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 249

the time, body servant of a military man. My treat-
ment was various, — sometimes rough, — sometimes
good. Many awful scenes I have seen while moving
about. I have had to put chains on men, myself, to go
into a chain gang : J have seen men whipped to death,
■ — have seen them die. I have ridden hundreds of
miles in Alabama, and have heard the whip going, all
along from farm to farm, while they were weighing out
cotton.

In Alabama, the patrols go out in companies at
about dark, and ride nearly all night. If they meet a
colored man without a pass, it is thirty-nine lashes ; but
they do n't stop for the law, and if they tie a man up,
he is very well off if he gets only two hundred. If there
is a party assembled at the quarters, they rush in half
drunk, and thrash round with their sticks, perhaps be-
fore they look at a pass, — all must be whipped unless
they rush out : I can't paint it so bad as 't is. Some-
times a stout man will fight his way through.

As a general thing the treatment on the plantations
in Alabama is very hard. Once in a while a man is
kind, as kindness is out there, and then he is hated by
all the other masters. They say " his niggers spoil our
niggers." These servants are not allowed on the other
plantations at all, — if caught there, they will put as
much on them as they can bear. I have as good a
chance to know as any man there, — I have travelled
there on the plantations, — I was there before the coun-
try was opened, — at the war, — and have seen it grow
up by the colored man's labor. I have seen miles of
fences around plantations, where I had been through
woods with the surveyors. Escape from Alabama is
almost impossible, — if a man escapes, it is by the skin
of his teeth.

250 the refugee; or a

There was a free man in Huntsville — a barber, — -
whose wife — a free woman — was taken by a patrol,
as she was walking out at dark, and put in jail, just to
disgrace her, — as she was in a little better standing
than the patrol was. Her husband grumbled about it,
— a rumpus was made, and people collected. It was
in front of a tavern door. The folks then called out,
"Shoot the d — d nigger! shoot him!" The patrol
stabbed him with a bowie-knife, and he fell in the street.
He was carried in, and a doctor dressed the wound, but
he was never a sound man afterwards.

I hired my time, and made some money. I bought
my wife's freedom first, and sent her away. I got off
by skill. I have children and grand children in slavery.

I had rather starve to death here, being a free man,
than to have plenty in slavery. I cannot be a slave any
more, — nobody could hold me as a slave now, except
in irons. Old as I am, I would rather face the Rus-
sian fire, or die at the point of the sword, than go into
slavery.

We are placed in different circumstances here — some
drag along, without doing much, — some are doing well.
I have a house ; I have taken up fifty acres of land, and
have made the payments as required; I have other
property besides. Here is Henry Bine, worth twelve
thousand dollars ; Syddles, worth a fortune ; Lucky,
worth a very handsome fortune ; Ramsay, a great deal
of land and other property, at least twelve thousand
dollars ; all these were slaves at some time. And there
are many others wealthy, through their own skill and
industry.

Before I came here, I resided in the free States. I
came here in consequence of the passage of the Fugi-
tive Slave Bill. It was a hardship at first ; but I feel

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 251

better here — more like a man — I know I am — than
in the States. I suffer from want of education. I man-
age by skill and experience and industry — but it is as
if feeling my way in the dark.

GILBERT DICKEY.

I have been in Canada but six weeks : am 55 years
old. I wTas raised a slave until 35. I was born in North
Carolina, Guilford Co., where I was the main hand on
the farm, where we raised wheat, corn, rye, etc., some
cotton. There were about fifteen slaves on the farm,
sometimes more, sometimes less. My master has fre-
quently said, that Gil. could carry on the farm better
than he could : he had told his neighbors that I and his
wife could carry on the farm as well, if he were a hun-
dred miles off. I never had a day's schooling in my
life — went to a Sunday School a few times, but that
was cut off. I have no learning but what God has put
into my head. My master was hasty and high-tem-
pered, but was always kind to me owing to some pecu-
liar circumstances. He was more kind than most who
own servants in that country, and more so than his
companion. Some thought him a hard man, but I
never thought him so hard as some I have seen. When
he did whip, he whipped severely, I tell you ; he was
high-strung when he got up. I suppose there 's no
doubt that he and his father-in-law — a severe old man
— whipped one slave man to death. They whipped
him over the head with a loaded whip, shamefully. He
was one of those that could not be whipped. He was
sold after the beating, and died two months after. The

252 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

ferrule came off the whip they used, and the whalebone
bursted out.

At nine years old, I was bought into this family,
being transferred to pay a debt of three hundred dollars.
At the death of my master, I was hired out sixteen years,
until my young master came of age. I had then made
up my mind to buy my time and was preparing to do it,
by laying up my money as I could earn overplus. I
have made fifty dollars in a winter by working aftei
9 o'clock nights while buying my time. It is hard work
ever since I was seven years old, which has broken me
down : I have now rheumatism, coughs, etc. I worked
at all kinds of work, — everything a man would call
on me to do, except stealing, my hands were ready to
do it. I worked at fencing, laying stone wall, digging
wells, carpentering, etc. During the sixteen years, I
paid up five hundred and seventy-five dollars ; that left
four hundred dollars to be paid, which I borrowed by
giving names. I was then free, but had to work to
raise the four hundred dollars, which took me nearly
two years.

I was whipped at one time by my old master, be-
cause I could not work. It was brought about by a
mean white man who was working in the field, and
told master that I was not sick. My master cursed
and swore very wicked. He did not tie me up, but he
gave* me a severe whipping. It did not cure me: I
had to go and try to work, but could not do much.

I have seen sixteen men chained abreast for market,
and driven from that place. I have seen a woman
chained and handcuffed in the gangs, leaving a child
only nine days old : the child raised by hand, and when
a woman nearly grown, she was sold.

After the old man died, and before I was hired out,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 253

two of the colored children were sick — one died, and I
watched with the other by the corpse. On the next
day evening, when we came back from the burial of the
child, the other was dying, and the doctor was there.
The child died that evening. My mistress then re-
quested me to mend a pair of shoes for her daughter
that night. I told her I would rather not, as I had been
up the night before, and a corpse was in the house.
She flew into a passion, said she would have it done, or
her father should whip me. I mended the shoes that
night, but it made no difference. Her father came next
morning with some work-hands, and told me with an
oath, that if he had a knife he would cut my d — d
throat. I drew a knife from my pocket, opened it,
handed it to him, opened my shirt-collar, and told
him to cut it. He pretended to do so, and drew blood
on my throat — the mark remains. I went away a
piece, then changed my mind and came back. They
tied my hands, I was so mad, I hardly knew what they
did. He gave me thirty blows. I told him afterwards,
that I had no place appointed to die or to be buried,
and I cared not when it happened ; that I would not be
whipped any more, and that the first man who struck
me I would kill. I was never punished afterward,
although I was sometimes threatened. If they find a
man determined and resolute not to be whipped, they
will sometimes let him alone : but in other places, they
will do it at any rate.

No man, who has not been in slavery, knows the real
curse ' of it. A northern man can't tell half how bad
it is.

When I began to be hired out, I felt more liberty
than on the place — where I had to do whatever a man
said — where it was never too wet, nor too cold, too

22

254 the refugee; or a

hot, nor too dry — where I could not go to the next
house, no matter how-near it was, without a permit.

I lived in Indiana for nine years before I came here,
and did well. I have been doing business for myself
some twenty years : I never considered that I was doing
business for myself till I got out of debt I was mak-
ing money in Indiana, and had plenty of friends. I
liked there, all but one thing — -slavery was there, as it
is all over the United States. One or two days in the
year they acknowledge a colored person to be a man ;
that is, when he works on the road, and pays his tax :
all the rest of Ms time he is a brute. I came on pur-
pose to come to a country where I could be a free man,
and to encourage* men of my color to take hold of work;
io set them a good example, and to make their con-
dition here better, if my assistance could do any good,

. WILLIAM J. ANDERSON.

I was a slave from birth, until thirty-two years old?
on Hed River, Bayou Rapide. I belonged to a man
who kept me at home until twenty-one years of age.
He was a constable, and I was the turnkey some two
or three years. After twenty-one, I hired out to work
on a steamboat, paying my master $25 a month, and
supporting a family : and at the age of thirty-two I had
$500. I was steward and cook. One day, at New
Orleans, I heard the news of my master's death. I felt
that I had lost my only friend ; for although a mean
man, he had some good qualities — he could not bear a
man that drank, and yet he was drunk all the time him-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 255

self. On hearing his death, an acquaintance of mine
said, " Now is your time to putP

I packed some clothes, took my $500, started for the
North, and reached Cincinnati. I was robbed of my
money on the passage. I opened a shop, and did very
well by cooking at the hotels. After four years, I had
some words with a man named Magee, who was a run-
away, who had come barefoot, and I had given him
employment to keep my grocery. He went down to
the place where I came from, and informed where I
was : he was retaken, and held in slavery,

I married in Ripley, Ohio. One day I heard a gen-
tleman in Cincinnati talking to his brother about buy-
ing " niggers " and horses : one of them said, " Old
Atwood is dead." I asked my wife if her. name really
was Atwood. She applied to the men, and found that
Atwood had left her mother and the balance of the ser-
vants free — say ten — and left $8,000 to each of them.
Part of this I invested in Ohio, and a part I brought
with us to Canada. Her father was her master, and
had brought her to Ohio when she was six years old.

I had a brother named Charles, who carried a basket
of eggs on board a boat named Red River, that ran up
Red River. When he came off, he did not get the

money for the eggs, as was expected by Mr. T ■, a

Frenchman, who had hired him. He belonged to my
master. When he went back, the Frenchman jumped
on him, and beat him severely. Charles, however,
struck the Frenchman. My master said, " Charles will
certainly be hung for striking a white man : so you fix
four stakes, and I '11 whip him." I drove the four stakes
into the ground for my brother : he was fourteen, and I
thirteen years old. Master asked me if the stakes were
ready. Said I, " Charles, before I'd be whipped for

256 the refugee; or a

that Frenchman, I'd cut my throat." He did cut his
throat, and ran into the river, where he beat off five men
who tried to get him out. Then he came out himself,
and was clear — was not whipped. In a few weeks he
got well : he meant to kill himself.

I have seen many whipped till they could not stand

up. S P. S whipped a man in Red River jail

while I was turnkey, until he burst a bloodvessel, and
died. I saw this done : no notice was taken of it.*

HENRY CRAWHION.

Was born in Louisville, Ky. As soon as able to
work, I was hired out on a steamboat, and have mainly
followed steamboating. Master died, and I remained
with my mistress : young master being a sporting char-
acter, I had to be sold to pay his debts. Was sold to a
trader in L., who took me to South Carolina, where I
was employed three months to take care of race-horses.
While there, I undertook to escape. I packed up in a
carpet-bag, went to depot, and bought a ticket for

* Female slaves enciente were formerly tied up for punishment :
but to avoid the pecuniary loss which sometimes ensued, the masters
adopted the humane method said to have been first practised by the
French of Louisiana. The woman's limbs are fastened to four stakes
driven into the ground ; a portion of the earth having been previously
removed in the centre of the space staked out. The traveller in Can-
ada West will hear of this mode in almost every town and village ;
from old settlers and recent immigrants ; from persons who came from
different slave States, and from parts of the same State remote from
each other.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 257

Montgomery. A black man suspected me, because I
had changed my trunk for the carpet-bag, — they came
to the cars and took me out. They put me in chains,
and kept me confined in the stable about two months ;
then I found a man who would buy me and take me to
Louisville. I was put in the trader's yard, but nobody
wants to buy out of the yard, because they think they
are put in for some fault. I was then taken down to
Port Gibson, Miss., and traded off for fifteen mules. I
stayed there three weeks, and was then taken to Baton
Rouge, where I was set up for sale. Here I found a
man who bought me to take to Louisville, where I had
a wife, on the condition that I would find a man to buy
me there. But I could not find a man who would buy
me. I went to see my wife, and left for the North. I
got here last night. I do n't feel reconciled, on account
of my wife and family. I am anxious now to get work.
[He got employment in the' course of the day.] I
would prefer Louisville, if I could be free there. It is
hard on me that I am obliged to live away from my
family.

I cannot express what I think of slavery, I have so
horrible ideas of it. I was taken to Savannah on my
way to Charleston, and staid in Savannah four weeks.
On the farms around Savannah, I saw them using
bucking-paddles on the women. There were overseers
and drivers behind the workmen on the farms. If a
man lagged, he got a cut with a whip, — if any reply
was made, he was bucked down. The bull whip is used
freely all around there, — I have heard them crack like
a pistol almost. In the city, a black man must get off
the side-walk if he meets a white man, or stop on the
curb-stone and raise his hat : if he meets a lady and

22*

258 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

gentleman he must step clean off the walk and raise his
hat.

While in Charleston, S. C, I did not know the law
of the country, and lit a cigar at my boarding-house
and walked towards the stable smoking. I was taken
up and put in the calaboose. Several others were put
in for being out after nine at night. In the morning,
they gave each of them ten lashes apiece, and let them
go. I asked them why they did not whip me and let
me go. They said I had committed a crime, and must
go before a magistrate. I asked them " what crime ? "
" Smoking in the street." I told them I was a stranger,
and did not know the law. That made no odds, how-
ever ; I was sentenced to nine and thirty lashes, and
received them in the calaboose with a leather strap cut
into three or four strips. White people smoke in the
street, but 'tis against the law for a colored man.

MARY YOUNGER.

I was reared a slave, and have seen a great deal of
barbarity in the State I came from. Many a time I
have looked out in the moonlight, and seen my little
children, just able to walk to the fields, carrying buckets
of water to the hands. They used to carry the buckets
on their heads : they would wear off the hair, and I
used to make pads to protect the sore places where
they carried the buckets.

If those slaveholders were to come here, I would treat
them well, just to shame them by showing that I had
humanity.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 259

A woman who lived near us, used to beat her cook,
and burn her with hot irons. I have seen the burns
with these eyes. The same woman whipped at differ-
ent times three of her slave women to death. The last
one I was sent for by her mother to see : I found her
dying. She died while I was standing by. Her mother
wanted me to shroud the corpse : but the mistress in-
terfered, and made the dead woman's mother do it.
The house where these cruelties occurred, was so near
ours that we could talk over the palings.

If a white man passes by a house, and a person is
whipping a servant, he goes straight by — he don't
see it.

I did not know, when I was a slave, that any white
person had any sympathy for me. I thought all white
people were alike, and had no sympathy for colored
people. I did not know the difference until I reached
a free State, when I saw the white people use the col-
ored people like folks. I did not hear such terms ap-
plied as "wenches," "heifers," etc. Where I was raised,
my children were often whipped till the blood ran, and
then they would call me to see if I looked rumpled
about it, and unless I looked pleased, I knew they
would whip me.

I often wish that people from the North could just go
through the southern country at harvest time, and see
and hear what is done there.

There was a man whipped there one day, and at
night I took pity on him and greased his back, — he
died on my floor.

The barbarity of slavery I never want to see again.
I have children now who have got the yoke on them.
It almost kills me to think that they are there, and that
I can do them no good. There they are — I know how

260 the refugee; or a

it is — it brings distress on my mind — there they are,
working till late at night ; off before day ; and where
there is no humanity — where the lash is not spared.

EDWARD HICKS.

I was born and raised in old Virginia, Lunenburg
county, and was sold when a well-grown boy — was
put on the block at the court house and sold. I was
frightened at being up there on the block, and was
afraid of being carried out of the country. A trader on
his way to New Orleans bought me. He took me to
his pen at Brunswick court house. I being Arery obedi-
ent, he thought I would n't run ; but I determined to
run if I could, for I thought if I got to New Orleans, I
was at the shutting-up place. He waited a day or two
to attend another sale fifty miles off, taking us with
him — perhaps forty or fifty. We went by stages. I
being so obedient, he turned me out to bring water and
do errands in general, while he waited for the sale at
Brunswick court house. In this time I thought about
my mother and brother in the place where I was raised,
and thought 'twas about time to run. I ran; but did
not know what way to go, and took into the pines.
Now, after I had done this, I began to study what I
should do for something to eat: then I was in a strange
country. I continued there for four days without any
food except sassafras leaves, and I found water. After
that, I found an old colored man. I told him how the
case was with me, and asked for a bit of bread. He
told me to come to his house at night, at a certain

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 261

hour, and he would give me a mouthful to eat. I went
to the house, got some food ; and, behold, the patrollers
were out that night, and they came within one of
catching me. Just as I had stepped out of the house,
they came right in. The old man came out a little be-
fore day and whistled. I went to him, and he put me
on the way to Lunenburg.

I travelled on about twelve miles, when it was so
dark I dared not walk any further. I made for the bush,
and laid a stick with the big end the way I was to go.
That night, about dark, I got up and started again. I
went on, and struck a creek near midnight, called Earn's
Creek, — from Earn's Creek, I came to Stony Creek.
Day overtaking me, I had to make into the willows on
the creek. The bloodhounds that day, of their own
accord, having such knowledge, gave me a little race :
I went down into the creek, nothing out but my head,
among big water moccasin snakes, which I kept off
with a stick. The dogs I saw, — they heard me, but
there was no one to hearken them on. At night I left
the creek, and went up into the neighborhood of the
house where I was born and raised : I saw some of my
friends and brothers there, and I got something to eat.
I was then advised (as the advertisement was just out
from the nigger-trader) to go on to an old house where
cotton was kept, and there stay until the advertisement
was over. For they drive for runaways there with
bloodhounds, and a great many men moving abreast,
so that they will have a man unless he is a long dis-
tance under the ground. I went to the cotton house,
and got under the cotton, and stayed till the drive was
over — some two or three days.

I came out then, and made for the bush. I stayed
till that trader went down with that company of col-

262 the refugee; or a

ored people, and sold them and came back. I was out
all the winter in caves and barns. In the spring the
trader came back. There was a white man in Lunen-
burg, that wanted to buy me. The trader heard of it,
and said, " I'll sell him, if you think you can get him :
a nigger that will stay in the woods all winter, I won't
have him. What will you give me for him ? " It was
settled at eight hundred dollars : then he sent out some
of his boys to tell me, and in a few days I went to
him.

He had four farms. I commenced to work right at the
great house. I stayed there three years, I guess : then he
died. Then every man had to come up to be appraised:
about sixty of us were appraised. The same old trader

(S N ) came up to buy me again, chains and

handcuffs all in his hand. He swore that the " nigger "
that ran away from him, was the one he 'd have, and
the chains should not leave him, till he'd got him to
Orleans. At twelve o'clock, I went to the kitchen to
get my breakfast, and stepped right on, out into the
bush. The sale was coming on in about a week, and
the trader had come on to brag what he would do, — I
stepped out right in the bush.

I was appraised and given to a young lady who
thought it necessary to hire me out, right in the bush,
where I was. A man hired me at about half price.
He was a good man, — no bad man will hire one in the
bush, because he won't come to him to save his life,
and only the big traders can afford to have driving done.
After I got to him, he put me to work at the great
house, and he liked me so well, he bought me.

He got a man to oversee at the great house, who
was determined to make more than any farmer in that
country. He began to fight, kick, and knock over. We

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 263

were going along, suckering tobacco one day ; a couple
of worms were found — these big, horned worms —
lying on the ground in the rows : we had not seen them
as we were breaking the suckers. He called the two
men who went by them, and made each take one of the
worms and bite its head off. I passed a small worm,
— " G — d — you," says he, " you bite that worm's head,
and suck the stuff out of him : you may run away, —
you 've got to a place now, where if you run nine miles
into h — , we '11 go in for you up to our armpits. You 've
made three runs, now you 've made a bad stand." I
told him I shouldn't bite the worm's head off: it was
a thing I never had done, and I was n't used to it, and
would n't do it. He made to me with his bull whip,
very long, and struck me three or four times ; the third
or fourth time, I got hold of it. He then turned to
strike me with the butt, — but being too anxious, he let
too much of it go over my shoulder, and I caught the
other part, that he was going to knock me down with.

S- H , if he gets hold of that paper, he '11 know

all about it. He hollowed for help, — he wanted the
other colored people to help him. They all passed on
with their rows, but would not. I then having hold of
both ends of the whip, jerked it out of his hands and
ran. I did not intend to carry the whip far, but there
was no stop for me then. I went on to the bush ; he
mounted his horse, and started off for men and blood-
hounds. He then came back with the company and
the hounds, stripped the head man and whipped him,
because he did not help take me. I was then preparing
to keep the bloodhounds from following me. I had
gathered up some wild onions, and knew what to do.

The master now came home. He tells the overseer,
that he shall pay a dollar a day for every day that I

264 the refugee; or a

was gone, for he had no business to make that disturb-
ance among the people. They chased me that day, but
could not follow me beyond the place where I had put
on the onions. It takes a mighty old hound to follow
that track. I stayed three weeks, and then went in
home. When I got home, the old man got hold of it
then, and I was not flogged. At the end of the year,
my lost time was brought against the overseer. The
overseer left, and went to oversee for another man,

named S S , at the edge of Brunswick Co.

My master being sickly, in some way, his boys being
sportsmen, and gambled, got involved, and had to sell
part of his hands, at sheriff's sale I suppose, I was
again pat on the block and sold, and that overseer,

S- H , persuaded his employer, S , to buy

me, so he could get his spite of me. S bought

me and sent me on to the quarter : put on leg goggles,
a band of thin iron round each ancle, with a piece of
wood, banded with iron, sticking from each with a rivet.
A man cannot run with them on : the iron plays round
and the long piece whips his legs as he runs. Each
goggle weighs about three pounds. The overseer put
them right on, as soon as I got there.

The master had plenty of dogs, four of which were
regular u nigger bloodhounds," worth one hundred dol-
lars or more apiece. That was the first time I began
studying head-work. I had been running about in the
bush without much object, but now I began studying
head-work : while in this condition, it put my mind off
to study what to do now. Every day I was sure of
my whipping though — that was sure — with the loaded
bull whip — loaded at both ends : every blow would cut
through the skin. I could n't run — could n't get awTay.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY, 265

I lay down studying, and got up studying, how to get
out of the condition I was placed in.

One night it came to my mind that I would go to
the blacksmith's shop. After every person was asleep,
and every thing appeared still, I got into the window
and got a rasp. I put it away where I could get hold
of it, knowing that if I cut it part through, they would
see it, and band me stronger. That night I studied
that I would go down deep, right there in the yard,
where they machine cotton and pack cotton, right down
among the seeds — way down — five feet I guess I
went down, — and that the bloodhounds would not find
me, as they would look round for me outside. I studied
that as hard as a Philadelphia lawyer ever studied a
case : if he studies as hard as I studied that, he '11 give
a right judgment.

I went down the night after I got the rasp, taking
the rasp with me. The cotton seed and motes tum-
bled in after me as I went down, and buried me up
entirely. They walked over me : I could feel the rat-
tling over me. I could not rifle in there. The next
night I came out, and commenced rifling to get off the
goggles. They had been out all the day with some
drivers and the bloodhounds, expecting, as I had the
goggles on, to catch me directly. I sat up on the up-
per floor, where I could see by the light of the moon or
stars, and there I rifled away ; I rifled faithfully, and got
one off that night, — but I had to break it away some,
and got the skin off my leg. Before day I went down
into the hole again.

The next night I came out and rifled off the other : it
came off easier than the other. Now I 've got to go down
again. Into the same hole I went — 'twould n't do to
come out yet. They had driven the second day, and I

23

266 the refugee; or a

was afraid they would the third. I had eaten nothing
all this time, nor drank a drop. The next night about
dark, I jumped out and went into the bush. I knew all
about that neighborhood, and which way to go. I got
me an old scythe-blade, and broke off a piece and made
me a knife. This I found at the machine as I was on
the way to the bush. Then I killed me a pig, took
him on my back and walked five miles. I dressed him,
singed off the hair, and before he was fairly dressed, I
had his ears on the coals broiling.

Another consideration struck me now. It would be
death to go back to that place : I must get to a free
land now. I had got the irons off— that I knew. I
came out of that county, went into a neighboring
county, into the bush, and staid out six months. I
heard of some free people coming on to the Ohio, and
I thought I would get in the crowd. We came on
with a white man who had formed an attachment to a
colored girl, and as she was coming, he determined to
leave too, although he was a regular patroller. I came
on with him as a waiter and servant, and very faith-
fully I worked too. "We travelled with horses and
wagons, but some had to walk. I had to pull at the
baggage, — I would have pulled a wagon all through
myself but what I 'd have come. I was concealed the
first part of the way ; all the food and clothes piled on
me in the "wagon, which was very uncomfortable. You
do n't know how much I endured. At night I would
get out and walk. We succeeded until we got to Point
Pleasant ; within three or four miles of the ferry, we
met men at different times, telling this tale — " If you
take your slaves this way they '11 all get free, — for
you '11 get 'em on the Ohio side : I would n't take that
man ; if you want to sell him, you can get your money
right in this place," etc.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 267

He began to fear that they'd think he was running
away slaves. " Look here," says he, " to-night you 'd
better take a skiff and cross the river — these folks have
got passes to show, and you have not." This made
me uneasy — I knew nothing about paddling a skiff:
I might get off into the middle of the river, and then
paddle back to the same shore. I then said to him,
" It is a matter of course that we go on, and I go on
as you said, and you 've a right to take your slave
wherever you please." Now he told me, " Do you
go off, and come up to us when we get to the ferry-
place." I said, " That won't do." We reasoned con-
siderably about it : he was a man that would hear to
a little reason, and so we reasoned. Now he told
me, " Suppose I sell you, and I come back and steal
you, and we divide the money ? " He was turning
now ; he 'd been into the town that day : enough
wanted to buy me, but they did n't want the women.
I told him, that wouldn't do — that was n't our bargain
— I had worked for him all the way, and his agreement
was to take me over the ferry, and go on to the farm he
was to take, and work for him one year at clearing, etc.
We came on, all hands, down to the ferry at Point
Pleasant, — some were for putting me in the wagon,
and covering me ; but they would search the wagon.
So I walked with the rest.

At the ferry, the guard who watches all who cross the
ferry — a great, big white man, who looked rather severe,
quizzed my master, whether I was his slave, and ques-
tioned so close, that the white man began to grow
weak in the knees, and I saw it: he trembled. I was
scared for him, and I was scared about being taken my-
self— it was a scaring time. The guard told him the
consequences — of going to the penitentiary, if he were

268 the refugee; or a

going off with another man's slave. He trembled, and
got weak, so that he did not get over it, till he got way-
out into the Ohio. We were commanded to get aboard
the ferry-boat, and over we went. I walked on behind
him, as he went up the hill : he yet trembled, and so
did I, not knowing what might take place yet. I felt
joyful that I had got over, but it was no time to rejoice
there. We put the man in the wagon, and dragged
him : he was more scared than he ought to have been.

I went to wTork with him in Ohio, according to prom-
ise. After we had begun, it got clear back to where I
started from, that I was in Ohio. I made out that I
was a man from Cincinnati, and was hired for money :
but it got back home, that I was in Ohio. He then
told me to leave. I understood that there was a reward
of five hundred dollars offered to any one who would
take me over the river to the Kentucky side. I had
been there as near as I can tell about six months when
I got this news. I left him and was concealed at Gal-
lipolis, at old man Isaac Browner's house — he is dead
now, and 'twont do any hurt to mention his name.
He put me in a bedtick on which he placed his children,
who were sick of measles. I was in the straw-tick,
the feather-bed was above me, and then the children.
This was so, that if they came to search for the
sake of the reward, they might not move the sick. I
stayed there one day : I cared nothing for the heat, dis-
comfort, nor sickness. All I thought of was to get off
clear. At night-fall, I all alone came to the wharf to
hail a boat — he told me how — to hollow " passenger."
The boat was for the salt-works at Kanaw^ha. If I had
gone on board they would have taken me sure, because
the boat was going to the place I did not want to go.
The boat did not, however, put in for me, and, I had to

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 269

go back and get concealed again. The next day, they
disguised me, — I went down to the wharf — a boat
was coming which was bound for Pittsburg: it touched
the wharf-boat, — there was no freight and only three
passengers; a gentleman and a lady, and myself; they
stepped aboard, and so did I, — a little bell rung, and
away went the boat : when, looking back, I saw two
men whom I knew, standing on a place, where they
could see every man who came down to the boat. But
they did not know me and the boat came on.

The river was high, and we came on slowly. I did
not sleep for four nights at all — dozed a little in
daytime. There was another boat coming behind, —
" Clipper, No. 2," — and I was afraid she was in pursuit
of me. I fired up harder on that account : although I
expected to get nothing for my work, I worked sharp.
After we had started out, the clerk came round with
his book and pen. I tried to dodge, but when he
touched me, I thought I was gone. But he only wanted
the money : I gave him all I had, and he returned me
ten cents. I had my victuals for my work. At Pitts-
burg, I left a handkerchief of victuals, which I had put
up, I was in such a hurry. I went up into the town,
and inquired for the country, where I could get work.
I worked not many miles from Pittsburg, and got a lit-
tle money, and then concluded to come to Canada,
where I would be safe.

I have been here about six years. I like Canada well,
— I am satisfied with it. I have got a little property
together, worth some two thousand dollars.

Liquor is right along the road here, and some make
fools of themselves : but I mind my business, and am
doing well.

My opinion of slavery is, that it ought to be broken

23*

270 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

down. If the white people were to set the slaves free,
and offer to hire them, they would jump at the chance :
they would n't cut throats.

We have got some good white friends in the United
States. If it had not been for them, I would not have
got here.

HENRY BLUE.

I learned the trade of a blacksmith in Kentucky. I
should have been perfectly miserable to have had to
work all my life for another man for nothing. As soon
as I had arrived to years of discretion, I felt deter-
mined that I would not be a slave all my days. My
master was a kind and honorable man ; purchased no
slaves himself: what he had, came by marriage. He
used to say it was wrong to hold slaves, and a good
many who hold them say the same. It's a habit — they
mean, they say, to set them free at such a time, or such
a time, — by and by they die, and the children hold on
to the slaves.

I purchased my freedom, and remained in Kentucky
awhile ; then removed to Cincinnati ; thence to Chat-
ham. Every thing goes well with me in Canada: I
have no reason to complain.

I think that if a slaveholder offers his servant free-
dom, on condition that he will earn and pay a certain
sum, and the slave accepts freedom on that condition,
he is bound in honor to pay the sum promised.

Some poor, ignorant fellows may be satisfied with
their condition as slaves, but, as a general thing, they
are not satisfied with being slaves.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 271

AARON SIDDLES.

By the law of Almighty God, I was born free, — - by
the law of man a slave. I was born in South Carolina :
was raised in Murfreesboro', Term., until nineteen. I
was taken into Kentucky, and sold three times. Then
I was sold to one of the worst negro-traders that ever
was, to be taken five miles below Baton Rouge. While
he was purchasing more, I gave my guard the slip, and
went into the bush five months. In this time I slept in
no man's house nor barn : I felt that there were only
two persons in the world I could trust: one girl, Lavina
Robinson, who brought me food from a white man, and
that white man himself, Timothy Guard. Mr. Guard
knew me well, — I was his foreman — cooper. He
offered $1,000 for me : the trader would n't take it.
Guard lent me the money - — I offered it for myself.
The trader said, " I know you had that money of
Guard, and I won't please him. I want you — you'll
make a first-rate mg-grr-driver." I felt I would rather
be killed than go. I was only afraid they 'd chain me :
I think they were afraid to undertake it. I was a stout
man, and have lifted seven hundred and fifty pounds ■ —
a steamboat shaft. It was on a bet ; a Southerner bet
a new coat he had against five dollars, that I could not
lift it. I lifted it with ease, and took the coat.

I took to the woods as I said. The trader got dis-
couraged, and sold the chance of me to Guard for
$1,000. The conditions were, if Guard ever saw me
in the United States, he was to pay the money. He
saw me the next night, for I went in. I had a previous
understanding with Guard, that if he bought me, I was
to have a chance to buy myself. He gave me a paper

272 the refugee; or a

signed before witnesses, that I was to be free, when I
paid him $1,600. He also gave me papers stating that
I was allowed to trade for myself: if I would not pay,
he would, and if any one would not pay me, he would
compel them. I went to work as steward of a steam-
boat. At first, I got $35 a month, which raised till I
got $100 a month. I paid off Guard between six and
seven years after : still remained on the boats, and, in
all, I worked eleven years with one man at $100 a
month, — and he would give me that now, if I would
go back.

On passing up or down the Mississippi, between
slave States, the first thing I heard in the morning was
the sound of the great bells, which are rung to call the
slaves. The next thing, before it was light enough to
see, I heard the crack of the overseer's whip, and the
cries of the slaves, " Oh ! pray, Mas'r ! Oh ! pray,
Mas'r ! " Every morning I heard it from both sides of
the river.

Living in Indiana, I was dissatisfied with the laws of
the country. I had a good deal of property there ; it
was not safe, for any loafing white might destroy or
steal, and unless a white man were by to see it, I could
get no redress.

One time in Indiana, seven white fellows, without
provocation, threw brickbats at my house, and broke
my windows. I was so mad, that I seized my gun and
pursued them, and put some small shot in the backs of
two of them. Dr. F. would not take out the shot, un-
less they would tell him where they got them. They
told him they had been to steal watermelons ; had not
got any ; and on passing my house, they threw the
brickbats because colored people lived there. The Dr.
blamed them, said I was as much esteemed and respect-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 273

ed as any man there. They owned they had no cause.
I afterward made it known that, as my oath was good
for nothing, if any white man interfered with me, or
trespassed on my property, I would make him a witness.

I removed to Canada, where I would have an equal
oath with any man, when any thing occurred; where I
would have every right that every man has. I brought
ten thousand dollars into Canada with me, and I find
profitable employment for my capital here.

Excepting for the oppressive laws, I would rather
have remained in Indiana. I left one of the most beau-
tiful places in that country — everybody who sees it
says it is a beautiful place. I had a two-story frame
house, with piazza — good stable — and every arrange-
ment about the premises was nice and convenient. I
had abundance of apples, peaches, quinces, plums, and
grapes. I paid my taxes, and felt hurt and angry too,
that I was not allowed my oath — there was no justice
in it. The road tax, I would not work out. They
threatened to sue me. I told them I would stand a
lawsuit first, and take it to the Supreme Court.
" What! " said I, " shall a white man drive against me,
on this very road, and break my wagon, and I get no
redress? No! when you give me my oath, I'll work
on the roads." They never sued me. I suffered op-
pression in being obliged to leave my place to claim
my rights as a man.

I blame for this the tories and turncoats of the free
States. They don't put in right men, that are true to
their country. They are chosen to represent the free
States, but they act with the South. Just exactly what
they call dough-faces.

I was never taught to read or write.

274 the refugee; or a

JOHN C N.

I live at the concession line and farm about four miles
from Chatham. I was many years a slave, and have
been up and down the Mississippi a great deal. In the
morning the great bells ring on the plantations. Before
you can see persons on the farms, you hear the whips
crack and the slaves cry out. I have heard them every
morning, when passing up or down the river, — " Oh
Lord ! master ! — Oh Lord ! master ! " It seems to me
always as I heard them in the dark, as if hell was there,
and I heard the cries of them who were just going
into it.

REUBEN SAUNDERS.

I was born in Greene Co., Georgia. At about twelve
years old, our family was broken up by the death of my
master. I was the oldest child : there were three broth-
ers and two sisters.' My master's children had grown,
and were married, and settled in various parts of
Georgia. We were all separated,- — no two went to-
gether. My mother's master was about half a mile
from where the youngest child was. They did not
think it would know enough to learn the way. Some
of them carried her once to see her mother, and she
learned the way. She used to go over to where her
mother lived, and creep under the house, where she
would wait till her mother came into the yard and then
run to her. There were bad dogs there, but they did
not trouble her. My mother's master tried to buy this

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY, 275

child, but her owner would not sell her under six hun-
dred dollars. He did not mean to sell. I have not seen
my mother since the sale. I remained theie from twelve
to twenty-four years of age, and was well treated.

I was never caught there with a book in my hand, or
a pen. I never saw but one slave in Georgia, who
could read and write, and he was brought in from an-
other State.

The treatment about there, seemed to depend on the
number a man had. If few, they got on well, if many,
they fared worse. If a man used his slaves with kind-
ness more than the others, they disliked it.

From Georgia, I was removed to Mississippi,- — that
being considered a money-making place. I was the
only slave my master had. I went on with him. At
first he engaged in rafting cypress timber, then kept a
wood-yard on the Mississippi. I stayed there sixteen
years. Then he brought me and my wife and children
to Indiana, and set us free. He had made money fast,
and he made a good use of it, — for he bought my wife
and three children, and my wife's brother, on purpose
to set us free. My family cost him thirteen hundred
dollars, and the brother, seven hundred and fifty dollars.
He afterward went down the Mississippi with eight
hundred dollars, and to sell some land and wind up.
He was lost off the boat and drowned : some thought
he was robbed and pushed overboard.

I do n*t think any man can of right, hold property in
another. I like the condition of freedom, — what I
make is mine. I arrived here last April.

276 THE REFUGEE : OR A

THOMAS HEDGEBETH.

I was born free, in Halifax Co. North Carolina, where
I lived thirty-five years. About ten years ago, I re-
moved to Indiana. My father was a farmer, half white,
who ran through his farm. If a white man there brings
a great account, the white man would carry it against
the colored, — the law there does not favor colored peo-
ple. I cannot read or write. A free-born man in North
Carolina is as much oppressed, in one sense, as the
slave : I was not allowed to go to school. I recollect
when I was a boy, a colored man came from Ohio,
and opened a school, but it was broken up. I was in
the field ploughing with my father, — he said he wished
we could go and learn. I think it an outrageous sin
and shame, that a free colored man could not be taught.
My ignorance has a very injurious effect on my pros-
pects and success. I blame the State of North Caro-
lina— the white people of that State — for it. I am now
engaged in a troublesome lawsuit, about the title to
my estate, which I would not have got into, had I
known how to read and write.

There were lots of slaves in the neighborhood where
I was raised. After I grew up to take notice of things,
I found I was oppressed as well as they. I thought it
a sin then, for one man to hold another. I never was
allowed to visit among the slaves, — had I been caught
visiting them, I should have been fined : if a slave had
visited me, he would have been whipped. This pre-
vented my having much intercourse with them, except
when I was hired to work by the masters. The con-
versation among the slaves was, that they worked hard,
and got no benefit, — that the masters got it all. They

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 277

knew but little about the good of themselves, — they
often grumbled about food and clothing, — that they
had not enough. I never heard a colored man grum-
bling about that here* They were generally religious,
— they believed in a just God, and thought the owners
wrong in punishing them in the way they were pun-
ished. A good many were so ignorant that they did
not know any better, than to suppose that they were
made for slavery, and the white men for freedom* Some,
however, would talk about freedom, and think they
ought to be free.

I have often been insulted, abused, and imposed upon,
and had advantage taken of me by the whites in North
Carolina, and could not help myself.

When I was twenty-one, I went to vote, supposing it
would be allowed. The 'Squire, who held the box ob-
jected, and said no colored man w^as allowed to vote.
I felt very badly about it, — ■ I felt cheap, and I felt
vexed : but I knew better than to make an answer, - — I
would have been knocked down certain. Unless I took
off my hat, and made a bow to a white man, when I
met him, he would rip out an oath, — " d— n you, you
mulatto, ain't you got no politeness ? do n 't you know
enough to take off your hat to a white man? " On go-
ing into a store, I was required to take off my hat.

I have seen slaves with whom I worked, nearly starved
out, and yet stripped and whipped ; blood cut out of
them. It makes my flesh creep now to think of it —
such gashes as I've seen cut in them. After a whip-
ping,' they would often leave and take to the woods for
a month or two, and live by taking what they could
find. I've often heard it said that's the cause of col-
ored people in the South being dishonest, because they
are brought so as to be obliged to steal. But I do not

24

278 THE REFUGEE J OR A

consider it dishonest — I always thought it right for a
slave to take and eat as much as he wanted where he
labored.

At some places where I have worked, I have known
that the slaves had not a bite of meat given them.
They had a pint of corn meal unsifted, for a meal, — -
three pints a day. I have seen the white men measure
it, and the cook bake it, and seen them eat it : that was
all they had but water — they might have as much of
that as they wanted. This is no hearsay - — I 've seen
it through the spring, and on until crop time : three
pints of meal a day and the bran and nothing else. I
heard them talk among themselves about having got a
chicken or something, and being whipped for it. They
were a bad looking set — some twenty of them — ■
starved and without clothing enough for decency. It
ought to have been a disgrace to their master, to see
them about his house. If a man were to go through
Canada so, they 'd stop him to know what he meant by
it — whether it was poverty or if he was crazy, — and
they'd put a suit of clothes on him. I have seen them
working out in the hot sun in July or August without
hats — bareheaded. It was not from choice, — they
could n't get hats. ^

I have seen families put on the block and sold, some
one way, some another way. I remember a family
about two miles from me, — a father and mother and
three children. Their master died, and they were sold.
The father went one way, the mother another, with
one child, and the other two children another way. I
saw the sale — I was there — I went to buy hogs.
The purchaser examined^ he persons of the slaves to
see if they were sound, — if they were " good niggers."
I was used to such things, but it made me feel bad to

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 279

see it. The oldest was about ten or eleven years. It
was hard upon them to be separated- — they made
lamentations about it. I never heard a white man at a
sale express a wish that a family might be sold to-
gether.

On removing to Indiana, the white people did not
seem so hostile altogether, nor want the colored people
to knuckle quite so low. There were more white peo-
ple who were friendly than in North Carolina. I was
not allowed my vote nor my oath. There were more
who wished colored people to have their rights than in
North Carolina, — I mean there were abolitionists in
Indiana.

I came here a year last spring, to escape the oppres-
sion of the laws upon the colored men. After the fugi-
tive slave bill was passed, a man came into Indianapo-
lis, and claimed John Freeman, a free colored man, an
industrious, respectable man, as his slave. He brought
proofs enough. Freeman was kept in jail several weeks,
— but at last it turned out that the slave sought, was
not Freeman, but a colored man in Canada, and F.
was released. The danger of being taken as Freeman
was, and suffering from a different decision, worked on
my mind. I came away into Canada in consequence,
as did many others. There were colored people who
could have testified to Freeman's being free from
his birth, but their oath would not be taken in In-
diana.

In regard to Canada, I like the country, the soil, as
well as any country I ever saw. I like the laws, which
leave a man as much freedom as a mm can have, —
still there is, prejudice here. The colored people are
trying to remove this by improving and educating
themselves, and by industry, to show that they are a

280 the refugee; or a

people who have minds, and that all they want is cul-
tivating.

I do not know how many colored people are here —
but last summer five hundred and twenty-five were
counted leaving the four churches.

WILLIAM BROWN.

[An old man, apparently eighty years of age, nearly bald : what
little hair he had was grey. His countenance wore a pleasant but
subdued expression.]

I am not eighty — only sixty-three — but I am work-
ed down, and worn out with hard work. Work all
the time in the South — in Fauquier county, Va.
When I began work in the morning, I could usually
see a little red in the east, and I worked till ten before
eating: at two I would eat again, and then work, at
some seasons, until ten at night. Then I would have
a pint of meal and a roasted herring. Tired and hun-
gry— tired and hungry, — the slaves are obliged to
steal; they are so hungry, that they will steal whatever
they can find to eat.

I could generally find the tobacco worms by a hole
through the leaf. But in the heat of the day, they get
under a leaf and do not eat : and the hands passing
along, breaking off suckers, do n't always see them ;
then the overseer follows along behind looking, and if
he finds the worm, the man is called back to kill it, and
he gets five or six blows from the hickory or cow-hide.

In hoeing corn, the overseer will perhaps stand in the
shade of a tree, where he can see the slaves-; if they

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 281

slacken work, he calls out to hurry them up, but he do n't
like to leave the shade of the tree, it is so hot. But
sometimes, if a man drops behind, the overseer comes
ud, gives him some lashes, and then goes back to his
tree.

The slaves work and the planter gets the benefit of
it. It is wrong for him to have the money for their
labor, and if a man goes to him for ten cents, to be re-
fused. But they can't prosper : Providence won't let
'em. My master got all broke up at last, and started
with his slaves for Missouri. I have a wife and three
children that belonged to another master. When my
master was about moving, the man that owned my
family came to him and said : " William is old, and his
family are here ; his work won't amount to much now.
I will give you two hundred and twenty dollars for
him, and let him stay with his family." But my mas-
ter cared nothing for that. " I can get that out of him
in Missouri in three years," says he. I had to leave my
family behind.

When we got to Cincinnati, he put all the slaves but
me in a boat and kept them on the Kentucky side. I
took care of his five horses on board. He came on
board just at night, and said, " Have you fed the
horses ? " " Yes, Mas'r." " I want you to stay on
board and look out for the horses, for I can put more
dependence on you than on the others. Do n't leave
the boat, nor go up into the city to-night, for there are
men here that catch all the niggers they can, and take
them to New Orleans : so be sure, do n't go ashore." I
said, " No, mas'r," — but that no meant yes. In the
evening, while he wTas on the other side, I looked for
my bag of clothes which I had left on the top of every
thing, — but I could n't find it : that fellow had hid it.

24*

282 the kefugee; or a

I searched among the things, but I could n't find it any-
where. I went up into the city and passed a great
many folks, but they took no notice of me. I wanted
to find some abolitionists or quakers. At last, I saw
two white men standing together, and spoke to them.
They were friendly, and it was not long after that, I
got into Canada.

It is three years ago that I left my family, and I
do n't know whether they are dead or alive. I want to
hear from them.

MR.

[The name and former residence of the person who furnished the
following testimony of his experience as a slave, and his present doings
as a free man, are suppressed, on account of the circumstances con-
nected with his escape. The writer has suppressed several interesting
narratives and parts of narratives for similar reasons.]

At sixteen years of age, I went in a chain-gang to
Mississippi, where I was sold and taken to another
State. There they calculated to work me down. Tak-
ing my shirt off and whipping me, was a new thing to
me — it was what was never done by them that raised
me. Then 'twas cut on some two or three hundred.
Once I received a very severe whipping — the colored
people told me it was two hundred — with the paddle.
I had no friends there. The colored people were as
eager to catch me as the whites. I wanted to find
some friend. I made my way back to the place where
I was raised, and saw my old mistress who had raised
me from an infant. Her second husband, while I was

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 283

stopping around there, secreted me, but was watching
the advertisments, to let the reward run up high, so as
to get a great sum. The mistress told me he was cal-
culating to pocket the reward, and return me into the
hands of my owners. She said there was a free country,
called Canada : she gave me a few dollars, and told me
to follow the north star. If it was too dark to see the
north star, to feel of the trees, and on that side where
the moss was longest, was my way. I followed her
directions, and travelled through the woods, exposed to
wet and cold and starvation.

On my way I was caught and put in jail, where I
was kept six weeks. They could find no master. I
wTas hired out one month. They calculated to keep me
twelve months, advertising me, in hopes my owner would
appear. I was again hired out, on the second month,
to a drunken dog, — but I had learned better sense than
to follow the plans he was determined on. While his
guard was at supper, I made my escape. I was pur-
sued the next day, and saw my pursuers, but they did
not see me : I made my escape by hiding in the brush.
The first friend I met was a white man at last — an
abolitionist. He kept me two weeks till I got recruited.

I leased a piece of ground, and went to clearing up.
It was heavily wooded. I have cleared four acres, and
cut it into cord-wood ; have got it under good fence, —
have raised one crop, and have a prospect of another.
I was to have it three years more if I wished — if I
leave it, I am to be paid for my improvements. I can
understand about written agreements, but do not know
how to write, and have suffered losses from this cause.

Slavery is one of the greatest curses that ever was.
There could not be one so despised in the sight of God.
I believe that the place of punishment was made for

284 THE REFUGEE : OR A

those who separate husbands and wives, and traffic in
their fellow men : killing babes — 1 have seen one with
its brains dashed out against a red oak tree. Tired of
carrying it, its mother being in the gang, and troubled
with it, as any man would be, they put it out of the
way.

ISAAC GRIFFIN.

I am from Trimble county, Ky. I was a slave in
Kentucky forty-six years. Then I had $500 for self,
wife, and child. I left eight children in bondage, who
undertook to escape. The oldest got here ; the others
were retaken, and sold in Texas.

Two years ago, I saw one hundred men chained, be-
sides women and children, going down south.

I have often been down the Mississippi on flat-boats,
— following the river every year for five or six years.
Mornings I would hear something like a bell — it is a
clock though, — then the hands have to rise; if they
do n't, the overseer is among them.

Just before day, the first time I went down, as I was
floating down the Grand Gulf, I heard the whip crack-
ing, and a man crying, "Oh Lord! Oh Lord! Oh
Lord ! " I was afraid somebody was murdering : I
called my master, — he said, "Somebody is whipping
his slave." We had to put in there. I saw the man :
he was put over a log, his feet tied, and his hands tied,
and a rail put between. They would whip him, and
then rest upon it. They flogged him off and on until
daylight. His back

At one time I went down on a boat. There were

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 285

many slaves on board, and one yellow girl with a child.
At Natchez, a man came on board who wanted to buy
a yellow girl without children. Her master told her to
say she had none. The man bought her, and the trader
gave her child, six weeks old, to a white woman.

Slavery is the greatest curse on earth. Nothing ex-
ceeds it for wickedness. A slave in the South suffers
death many times before he does die.

I felt, when free, as light as a feather — a burden was
off of me. I could get up and go to my work without
being bruised and beaten. The worst thought was for
my children, — what they might have to go through.
I cannot hear from them.

I have lived in Canada one year. I find the people
laboring well generally : as industrious as any men.
The law is the same for one as another. We have our
meetings and gatherings here, and have no trouble at
all.

I am doing as well, for a poor man, as I can expect
— I get a good living.

WILLIAM STREET.

I am from Middle Tennessee, where I worked as a
blacksmith, another man taking my wages. All I got
was my victuals and clothes, and not much at that.
Twenty-five years I was a slave, — was bred and born
a slave, and cannot read or write.

My mother has several times told me that her father
was sick, and his mistress drove him out of the house,
and he leaned his breast over the fence and died. She
often showed me the place where he died. I was hired

286 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

out when very young — did not get the lash. It was
never " Can you do it ? " or " Will you do it ? " — but
" You must go and do it." Sometimes I would do a
good day's work, and then have another job put on me.
I can't paint it as bad as it is. I have seen a man at
the iron-works — Perkins's — who said he did not be-
lieve that there was a bit of skin on him that he was
born with, — they had whipped it all off.

If a northern man were to go right into a slave State,
he would not see the worst of slavery. By the time he
was up in the morning, the slaves would be a mile off
— he would see but little of the evil — he wouldn't get
to see it.

My master died when I was seven ; my mistress when
I was twenty-five. Then we were divided out : I fell
to a son who lived in Mississippi. I had been living
with a doctor two years, and I asked him to buy me.
But my master would n't sell — the doctor offered
$1,100 for me. I was put in jail five days — I and my
brother, who had fallen to the same man, were there.
Our owner came in with irons and handcuffs, and put
them on, and took us to the blacksmith to have them
riveted. I left two men in the jail who had run away
from Mississippi, and had lain there eleven months, —
in one month to be sold. One of them was a great fel-
low to pray : I'd hear him praying every morning for
the Lord to help him. He said he wished the doctor
would buy me. The rivets were fixed : we went to
Nashville, and were put on board a steamboat, I and
my brother chained together. They were loading the
boat, which takes two or three days. I heard some one
tell a colored man to pump the boilers full, and they 'd
put out in the morning. I said to my brother, " When
you hear me say to-night, the dog- 's dead, then, we '11 put
out."

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVEBY. 287

At 11 o'clock we laid down. I made believe that
something ailed me, and kept going out. By and by, I
said " the dog 's dead" We crept into the wheelhouse,
and down on the wheel, to the outside of the guard, and
got on board a stone-coal boat. We walked eighteen
miles that night, — but we were not away yet — yet
had no thought about Canada. I had heard of it, but
had no thought about getting to it. We laid down,
meaning to stay till next night.

Two men went out to hunt partridges, and at about
one o'clock they came across us. " What are you doing
here, boys ? " We had broken off the chains, but the
handcuffs were on each of us. " I am going to Colum-
bia— didn't you see that wagon with the boiler on it?"
They said, " Come, go this way," and one threatened
with his gun. We up and ran. The slaveholders both
followed us. We ran across a field about half a mile :
when we got across there was a mill and a creek. We
ran through the creek : there was a big hill. I went
one side, and my brother the other : they followed after
me. I stopped and hailed, " What do you want ? "
They thought I was coming in to give up, — but I
passed them and went into the creek, where I fell down,
and got wet all over. I crossed at the mill ; they after
me : there was a horse tied there, and there were several
men about the mill ; one a colored man, who had the
horse. " Can I take your horse ? " " No." I took him
any how. I cut the bridle, jumped on, and started.
Then a white man put his gun over a tree and shot me
— some eight or ten small shot went in — they are
most of them in me now. The horse then put out with
me — then I was shut of them. They had no horse —
he put out like lightning — I did not know where I was
going, — I rode two miles, got off, hitched the horse,

288 THE UEEUGEE: OH A

and went away and left him. Thinks I, they 've gone
from the mill now — I'll go back and get my clothes
now, — I had left them in my hurry. As I went back
to the mill, I saw them and took them, and then I saw
the men coming back from pursuing my brother. I
heard them say, " Yonder he is ! yonder he is ! " I ran
to an open field where there was a little grass, and laid
down. They did not see — they hunted about and gave
it up : then I went to an old house that had hay in it,
and put my clothes in there. I then walked right before
the door of a house where were slaves at work — no-
body spoke a word to me. After I got through them,
I saw an old colored man with a wagon. He told me,
" You go this way, and when they come I '11 tell 'em
you 've gone that way." I did as he advised me, and
got into a tree thaf had been burned out, and stayed in
it till night : then I went and got my clothes, and started
for the old place where I was raised.

I went on to where my oldest brother lived in Ten-
nessee, and told him the circumstances. I was then
told to go into the barn-loft, and stay there, — I did —
stayed three days hid in the wheat : then I went in the
woods, and stayed eight months without ever going into
a house, — from Christmas until the last of August.
Then my owner came from Mississippi, with a man

named T — , who brought three bloodhounds along

with him. A white man who saw me the day before,
told them where they had seen me. They went to that
place, and put the bloodhounds on my track. I had
never seen a bloodhound, but I heard them, and I spoke
to myself; says I, "I'm gone." I had a pistol, a big
stick, and a big knife. Then I ran out of the corn field
into a little skirt of woods, and the bloodhounds got
over the fence when I did. I wheeled and shot one of

NORTH-SIDE VIEW 03? SLAVERY. 289

them through and through. He never got away from
the place at all. I got back to the corn field, the others
both with me in the field ; one hold of my wrist, the
other of my leg. I have the marks- — here they are on
my wrist. I struck at the dog with my knife a number
of times -— - but he dodged every time. Then my mas-
ter came up with a pistol, and said if I did'nt stand,

he'd put a ball through me. T came up and

struck me with a hickory stick five or six blows, on the
back of my neck. I cried, " Oh Lord ! Oh Lord ! " then

T made the dogs let go. He then took out his

handcuffs and chains, and put them on, and took me to
a blacksmith's, to have them riveted, putting in another
chain between the cuffs, to make 'em strong, so I
could n't get away anyhow.

They concluded I must know where my youngest
brother was, but I did not and could not tell them any
thing about it. They did n't believe that. I was stand-
ing up ; a great many gathered round to see me : I was
chewing tobacco. T — — said, " G — d — you, quit
chewing tobacco, and tell us where your brother is, for
I know you know." Some fellow asked my master
what he was going to do with me, — he said he was

going to give me up to T , because I had killed the

bloodhound, — T— — - wouldn't have taken five hundred
dollars for him ; said " he was worth more than him,
d — n him." He was the fastest one they had ; before
they brought them from Mississippi, they had caught a
man and torn out his entrails, — T — told me so him-
self. >They kept me going round from that day, Tues-
day, to Friday, trying to find my brother, — chaining
me to the bedstead at night. Thursday morning they
thought they had heard of him ; went eighteen miles
to Shelby ville. A great many went with them for the

25

290 NOKTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

fun of the thing. This was in the beginning of Sep-
tember, 1851.

I was now at the old place where I was bred, and
was left with master's brother-in-law, in his care. At
three o'clock, the brother had some sheep to shear : he
took me into the stable, put on shackles, and took off
my handcuffs, so I could shear. After dinner, said I,

" Mr. E , won't you give me some grease, if you

please, to grease my boots ? " " Oh, yes." I went into
the kitchen where my mother had lived, close by, and
thought over all things that had passed before. Pretty
soon he told me to fill a kettle with water. The kettle
was some fifty yards from the house ; there were some
six men on the piazza, who could watch me. I filled
the kettle. " Did you see my boys ? " says he. I told
him, "Yes — -behind the barn." The barn was further
off than the kettle. " Shall I go and tell them to make
a fire about the kettle?" Says he, "Yes." They
wanted to kill a shoat against the folks got home with
my brother. I stepped to the barn to tell them ; I
looked round, — no one was looking. I told. them.
They all started for wood, etc. I looked up to the sun,
and said to myself, " it 's three o'clock." I threw my
boots over a stump, and drew them so I could run, I
kept my boots, and ran off to Canada

It is above my language to tell how overjoyed I was
on getting into Canada. Nothing harasses a man so
much as slavery. There is nothing under the sun so
mean : after a man is dead, they won't let him rest. It
is a horrible thing to think of, the ignorance slaves are
brought up in. There is not a man born, who can rep-
resent slavery so bad as it is.

I work here at blacksmith ing : I own this shop. I
have plenty of work, and good pay.

BUXTON.

The Elgin Settlement, or, as it is more commonly
called, King's Settlement, is in Buxton, in the town-
ship of Raleigh, county of Kent. The colored, popula-
tion of Buxton numbers eight hundred. Nearly all
the adults have, at some time, been slaves, but many
resided in the free States before entering Canada.

King's Settlement comprises nine thousand acres of
land, — a tract some six miles in length, by three in
breadth, — and is situated between the Great Western
Railway and Lake Erie : its boundary being about a
mile and one fourth from the lake shore. A company
has been chartered by the Provincial Legislature, for
the purpose of constructing a railroad to connect Ni-
agara with Amherstburg. This road is to pass through
the southern portion of the settlement, and will afford a
ready market for all the firewood, of which there is
abundance on the lands.

The settlement at Buxton, was first projected by the
Rev. Win. King in 1849. Mr. King was formerly a
slaveholder in Louisiana ; but not being " to the man-
ner born," he manumitted his own slaves, about four-
teen in number, (for whom he had been offered nine
thousand dollars,) and brought them with him to Can-
ada, where he settled them on farms or on lands recently
purchased of the government. From long acquaint-
ance with the colored people in the South, and from

(291)

292 THE REFUGEE I OR A

their previous history, Mr. King was satisfied, that,
when placed in favorable circumstances, they could
support themselves as well as the emigrants from Eu-
rope, and would be capable of making the same prog-
ress in education. The colored people and their friends
owe a debt of gratitude to Mr. King, for having suc-
cessfully conducted the experiment at Buxton.

In furtherance of Mr. King's views, an association
was " formed in Upper Canada by divers persons resi-
dent therein, under the name of the Elgin Associa-
tion, for the settlement and moral improvement of the
colored population of Canada, for the purpose of pur-
chasing Crown or Clergy Reserve Lands, in the town-
ship of Raleigh, and settling the same with colored
families resident in Canada, of approved moral charac-
ter." The association under the above style and de-
scription was incorporated on the 10th of August, 1850.

The land is divided into farms of fifty acres each,
and so situated that a road runs past each man's farm.
The houses are set thirty-three feet from this road,
facing streets, so that the whole settlement, when clear-
ed up and opened, will present a uniform appearance.
The land is sold to the settlers at $2.50 per acre, the
government price, and is paid in ten equal annual in-
stalments, with interest at the rate of 6 per cent. But
although ten years were allowed to the settlers to pay
for their farms, a number have taken out their deeds
already ; and there is no doubt that before the ten
years shall have expired, each settler will have his deed
in possession : for which he will be indebted to his own
exertions — since the settlers receive no money, no
grants of land, no farming implements, — nothing but
protection and advice. Whatever they have is pur-
chased by themselves, and as far as the supply of their

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 293

physical wants is concerned, they are self-support-
ing.

The houses in the settlement are built of logs, after
a model prescribed by the Improvement Committee.
The model was 18 feet by 24, and 12 feet in height,
with a gallery running the whole length of the front.
While no house was allowed to go up inferior to the
model, the settlers were allowed to build as much bet-
ter as they pleased. The first actual settler entered in
December, 1849.

The third annual report of the directors, September,
1852, says, " The number of families of colored persons
settled on the lands of the association up to August 1,
1852, is 75 — and the number of inhabitants 400. By
these settlers not fewer than 50 houses have been
erected. Besides the regular occupants, about 25 fami-
lies of colored people, attracted by the advantages of
the settlement, have purchased lands in its immediate
proximity. Including these 100 colored families, about
500 individuals are now comfortably settled on their
own property in that district. The number of acres
cleared on the Elgin grounds to August 1, is 350; and
204 of those have been under crop this season. The
land is best adapted for the culture of wheat ; but it
also produces corn, tobacco, and hemp, equal to any
that is grown in the Western States. With regard to
the moral state of the people, sobriety is so general that
no case of drunkenness has occurred ; and as a guar-
anty for peace among the settlers, a court of arbitration
has been set up, before which five cases only have been
brought, which were decided easily and amicably, and
without expense to either party. The day school has
73 on the roll; the attendance is good, and the number
increasing. About 20 of the present number are the

25*

294 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

children of white parents. The Sabbath school has 53
attending it. The church, which is supplied by Rev.
Mr. King, the indefatigable and able missionary to the
Elgin settlement, is attended by from 100 to 140
persons ; and the desire for the administration of the
word and ordinances seems to be on the increase. A
Latin class was opened last November, which is at-
tended by 6 colored youths ; and it is hoped that some
of them may be found qualified for teaching their breth-
ren, or for filling the office of the Christian ministry."

Mr. King is chiefly paid by the Home Mission Com-
mittee of the Presbyterian (Free) Church of Canada,
which has always borne testimony against the evils of
slavery.

The fourth annual report of the directors, made in
September, 1853, states : " Up to this time, 130 families
have settled on the lands of the association, and im-
proved farms in the neighborhood : these families con-
tain 520 persons in all. 500 acres are cleared and un-
der fence ; 1 35 cut down and partially cleared. Of the
cleared land, 236 acres are in corn ; 60 acres in wheat ;
29 in oats, and 90 in other crops : making in all 415
acres under cultivation. The number of cattle in the
settlement is 128. There are 15 horses, 30 sheep, and
250 hogs. The temperance principle is strictly acted
on through the whole settlement, — no intoxicating
drinks being either manufactured or sold. The Sab-
bath is generally observed ; and most of the settlers
attend some place of worship. The number of chil-
dren at the day school is 112 ; at the Sabbath school,
80. They were all improving, both in secular and
scriptural knowledge : a number of the more advanced
pupils were studying Latin, with a view to future use-
fulness."

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 295

The fifth annual report, September, 1854, shows that
the settlement was making good progress. It informs
us, that ■" several houses have been built during the
past year far above the model, and one person has con-
tracted for a brick cottage, the first on the lands of the
Association ; [this has since been completed ;] others,
both of brick and frame, will be erected in a few years.
The clay on the land is found to make excellent brick :
250,000 have been made during the last year, and the
same number will be furnished during the next year.
About 150 families are on the association lands and
farms in the neighborhood ; 77 houses have been built
after the model, most of them inclosed with a picket
fence and whitewashed : 8 are above the model. The
rest are making arrangements to have their houses put
up during the ensuing year. The number of acres
cleared and under fence is 726 ; the number chopped
down and ready for clearing is 174. Of the cleared
land, 334 are in corn, 95 in wheat, 48 in oats, and 100
in other crops, making in all 577 acres under crop.
This shows an increase over last year of cleared land,
226 acres ; and of crops, 162. The number of cows
and oxen is 150; of horses, 38; of sheep, 25; and of
hogs, 700. The health of the settlement continues
good ; peace and harmony reign among the people.
The Sabbath is strictly kept as a day of rest. Tem-
perance prevails ; nothing that intoxicates is made or
sold in the settlement. The schools and church are
well attended ; 147 are on the roll in the day school ;
120 in the Sabbath school. Progress has been made in
secular and scriptural knowledge. The population has
increased so fast during the last year, that, one school
failing to accommodate all, the residents in the north-
ern part of the settlement, anxious that their children

296 the refugee; or a

should receive education, have erected a neat school-
house at their own expense, with a view of getting a
teacher for it, at least six months in the year."

The value of the oak timber on the lands of the As-
sociation has been estimated by good judges at §57,000;
of the maple, hickory, etc., at $70,000. Lumber, how-
ever, has hitherto been of little avail to the settlers, for
want of a saw-mill and a market. A steam saw-mill
was, however, completed, and ready for operation on
the 4th of July, 1855 : and a plank road is contemplat-
ed, which, extending eight miles from the Great West-
ern Railway to the Lake, will give the settlers two
markets — one on the Lake, and another on the Rail-
road.

The annual report for 1855, states that " the colored
population have manifested a more fixed determination
to raise from the soil what will support themselves and
their families, without going abroad to work, a part of the
year, for money to purchase the necessaries and comforts

of life Nearly all the settlers have made a steady

advance in clearing and cropping : the quantity of land
clear and under fence is 827 acres, besides 216 acres
that have been chopped down, and will be ready to put
in fall and spring crops. Of the land cleared, 180 acres
have been sown with wheat ; 340 with corn ; 50 with
potatoes ; 40 with oats ; and 200 with hay, buckwheat,
and turnips. Besides these crops, there is a considerable
quantity of tobacco, — the leaf of which is said by com-
petent judges to be equal in quality to any raised in Vir-
ginia and Kentucky During the past year, but

little has been done in raising stock. It has been found
that sheep and horses cannot be raised with much profit,
till there is more open land, and more hay to support
them during the winter. The number of cows in the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 297

settlement is 140 ; of oxen, 50 ; of horses, 40 ; of sheep,

88 ; and of hogs, 600 The improvement in the

buildings has not made the same progress this year as
last. Several buildings after the model, have gone up,
and some above the model, but none of them have
been finished for want of lumber. That difficulty will
now be obviated. A good saw and grist-mill has been
erected. The saw now supplies abundance of lumber
for the settlement: so that, during the next year, there
is a prospect of having more houses finished than dur-
ing any one year since the settlement commenced

One hundred and fifty children have been going to
school during the last year; and some of them have
made considerable progress in the higher branches of
education The health and morality of the set-
tlement continue good."

The settlers at Buxton are characterized by a manly,
independent air and manner. Most of them came into
the province stripped of every thing but life. They
have purchased homes for themselves, paid the price
demanded by government, erected their own buildings,
and supported their own families by their own indus-
try ; receiving no aid whatever from any benevolent .
society, but carefully excluding donations of any kind
from coming into the settlement.

Mr. King having full faith in the natural powers, ca-
pacity, and capabilities of the African race, is practically
working out his belief, by placing the refugees in cir-
cumstances where they may learn self-reliance, and
maintain a perfect independence of aid : trusting, under
God, on their own right arm.

A few testimonials from residents of Buxton are
appended. Those of Mr. and Mrs. Isaac Riley are the
most favorable to the " peculiar " institution, of any

298 the refugee: or a

that the writer listened to in Canada — and yet they
tell against slavery with tremendous force. Compara-
tively well treated as was Mrs. R,., she was yet urged
by a young white man to make her escape from " dark-
ness," and from evils which impended over her.

ISAAC RILEY.

In Perry county, Missouri, where I was raised, I never
saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader, nor driver, nor any
abuse, such as is practised in other places. I've never
seen any separations of families. I always from a small
boy meant to be free at some day. After I had a son,
it grieved me to see some small boys in the neighbor-
hood, who were hired out to work twenty miles from
home. I looked at my boy, and thought if he remained,
he would have to leave us in the same way, and grow
up in ignorance. It appeared to me cruel to keep him
ignorant.

I escaped with my wife and child to Canada.
Among the French near Windsor, I got small wages —
2s. or Is. 6d. a day, York : and morning and night up
to my knees in water, — still 1 preferred this to abun-
dance in slavery. I crossed over and got work and bet-
ter pay in Michigan. They would have liked to have
me remain, and offered to build a house for me. But I
did not feel free in Michigan, and did not remain. I
went to St. Catharines, and got fifty cents a day. By
and by, I heard of Mr. King's settlement, — I came
here, and have got along well. My children can get
good learning here.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 299

MRS. ISAAC RILEY.

I was born in Maryland, and raised in Perry County,
Mo. Where I was raised, the treatment was kind. I
used to hear of separations of families, but never saw
any. I never saw the lash used, nor the paddle, nor
ever heard of the abuse of slaves until I came into Can-
ada. I see many here, who have suffered from hard
treatment, and who have seen it practised on others, —
but I never saw an overseer, nor a negro-trader in my
life ; if I did, I did n't know it. I never knew any thing
about places they call " the quarters," in my life. I
could not go when I pleased, nor come when I pleased,
but was sometimes allowed to go out without a pass
ten or twelve miles from home. I was never stopped
on my way by patrols — never heard about such things
where I was raised. I was never sent to school, — but
my master, who had owned my mother, and raised me
from the cradle, was very kind, and taught me to read
and spell some, — but not to write.

I used often to think that I would like to be as free
as the white people were. I often told them, when
they made me angry, that they had no more business
with me, than I had with them.

My master was very particular about my having
clothing and food enough. When I first came to Can-
ada, the colored people seemed cold and indifferent to
each 'other ; and so it was with the white people and the
colored. It seemed as if the white people did not want
to speak to us. I took this very much to heart, for
where I grew up, the white people talk freely to their
neighbors' colored people. I felt so about it, that if

300 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

they had come for me, I would have gone back wil-
lingly.

In Missouri, when my first child was young, up to
seventeen months old, when I left, I had no care of it,
except to nurse it, — the white people took all the care
of it.

For two years before I left, my husband talked of
coming to Canada. I felt no desire for leaving. But
[a young man, a relative of my master] often per-
suaded me to leave for Canada, — and he talked with
a great deal of reason. He said he would not, if he
were I, bring my boy up to , be a slave : " you do n't
know," he would say, " how long [the old gentleman]
may live, — and when he dies, you may come under
altogether different treatment." At last, when there
was a camp-meeting, I told my husband we had better
leave, as it might be so by and by, that we could not
leave at all. We left, and made a long camp-meeting
of it.

We crossed over at Windsor, and had rather hard
times about Potico, among the French, — there *s
where the people seemed so distant. I thought if Can-
ada was all like that place, it was a hard place. We
stayed there a few months, and went to St. Catherines,
where we did better. After a while, we heard that Mr.
King was buying a place to settle the colored people.
We came up here before it was surveyed, and Mr. Riley
helped the surveyors. He took one hundred acres of
land, and we are well contented. If I do not live to
see it, perhaps my children will, that this will one day
be a great place.

My two oldest children go to school. The oldest is
well along, and studies Latin and Greek. The other

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 301

three are not old enough to go to school. We have
good schools here, — music and needlework are taught.
I think my present condition here far preferable to
what it would have been in slavery. There we were
in darkness, — here we are in light. My children also
would have grown up3 had I remained there, in igno-
rance and darkness.

HARBY THOMAS.

I was born in Brunswick, partly raised in Southamp-
ton, ten miles below Bethlehem, Virginia. Was then

bought by a " nigger-trader," J B , and was

sold to J S , in South Carolina. The treat-
ment there was barbarous. At sixteen years'old, they
gave me a task, splitting rails, which I did in the time,
then went to take my rest. His wife was harder than
he was, — she told me to make lights in the road, set-
ting fire to rubbish, it being a new place. I got through
at ten o'clock : boss came home, I went in again. She
ordered me to put on water to scour the floors, etc. I
would n't, — I went over to her father's " nigger-house "
all night. Next morning, -the master came for me, took
me home, stripped me stark naked, made a paddle of
thick oak board, lashed me across a pine log, secured
my hands and feet, and whipped me with the paddle.
His little boy saw it and cried, — he cursed him away,
— his wife came, — he cursed her away. He whipped
till he broke the paddle. After that, he took me to the
house, and hit me with a hickory stick over the head
and shoulders, a dozen times or more : then he got salt
and water, and a corn cob, and scrubbed me. Then

26

302 the refugee; or a

he sent me to water the hogs, naked as I was, in Jami*
ary. I ran into the woods, and went baek to the same
house, and the colored people gave me some old rags to
keep me from freezing.

I recovered from that beating, and at length ran
away again, because he refused to let me go to see
my friends. I was caught by a colored man, who took
me to my master's step-father' s7 — he whipped me till
he was satisfied, then master came, and whipped me
with a leather strap. I ran right off again ; was caught
and put in a potato house. After that I was put in the
field to knock along the best way I could, but I was
not able to work.

My master removed to Mississippi, taking me with
him, the year before Gen. Jackson commenced fighting
the Creek Indians.

This big scar on my left cheek, I got in a runaway
scrape. A man who got up with me, jobbed me with
the muzzle of a gun, which knocked me back into the
mud : then he tied me. That time, I received three
hundred lashes ; one of the slaves who helped tie me,
fainted at seeing me so abused. I have a cut with a

knife made by J S — after I had worked for him

all day, because he could not flog me, as he liked.

I staid awhile, then ran away again, — then a man
caught me, and another came with him home, who
wished to buy me. I was a smart-looking boy — he
offered one thousand dollars for me : master would n't
sell. For running away, I received a hundred lashes

on the bare back. I was then sold to his cousin, J

Y , in Mississippi. I lived with him ten years ; I

suppose I must have been about thirty-two. At first,
Y.'s treatment was fair. I was foreman. He got rich,
and grew mean, and I left him. I was caught and

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 303

taken back again, He took me to the blacksmith's
shop and had a ring made of axe-bar iron, which I wore
on my right leg from the middle of May to the middle
of September. I worked with it on, and slept with it
on, all that' time.

After he got it off, I worked awhile, — again I went
off, went into Alabama, was out from October to
March, — then was put in jail, where I lay three months,
as they could not hear from my owner, who had moved
off to the Choctaw purchase. My boss came and took
me out of jail, chained me to his horse with plough
traces, and was taking me on his way, when Gen*

S , of Georgia bought me. He put me in his

kitchen to cook for him. But I was not satisfied with
him, although he used me well. The fact is, I wanted
to be free. I ran away and left him, — he had me

caught, and sold me to S N — , who took me to

New Orleans. Nobody there liked my countenance at

all — no one would give a cent for me. N took

me to Natchez and sold me, after a week, to a young
man named G S , who had a cotton planta-
tion a few miles above Natchez. He treated me well
at first. He would not allow any to leave the place to
see their friends without a pass from him or the over-
seer. I went out to see my friends, and was flogged
with a bull whip on the bare back — a whip heavier
and larger than a horse-whip, with a buck-skin cracker
on the lash. I ran away again — they caught me and
put plough traces around my body, and put me to
work hoeing cotton and corn. Not long after, they
put on an iron collar. I made an errand — went to the
woods — and the overseer sent all hands to hunt for
me. They found me, and brought me back to the
driver. The old driver gave me two blows with the

304 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

bull whip ; the young driver stopped him. The over-
seer came up and knocked me down with his fist by a
blow on the head. I fainted, was taken to a tree, and
when I came to, the overseer was bleeding me. Word,
came to the overseer, from my master's grandmother,
the same day, that my master was gone away, and
unless he took off my chains, I would die before his re-
turn. The overseer took them all off.

At night, I dressed up and started off, steering by the
north star. I walked seven hundred and fifty miles
nights, — then, in Kentucky, I was betrayed by a col-
lored man, and lay in jail fifteen months. I would n't
tell them where I belonged. Then, under terror of the

whip, I told them all about it. A Dr. J N

had bought the chance of me,- — he took me to Nash-
ville, where I waited on him, his partner, and took care
of his horses about four years. I started to run away
from him on his partner's horse — I had one hundred
and fifty dollars with me. He overtook me and took
away my money. Then he put me in jail and sold me
to an old broken down trader. I left him, proceeded
north, was caught in Indiana, and taken to Evansville
jail. They would not receive me there, and I was ta-
ken to Henderson, on the Kentucky side, and put in
jail there. My owner put on handcuffs and locked me
into the wagon besides with plough chains. I trav-
elled three days thus in succession -— he chaining me
at night to his bedstead. On the third night, I was
eating in the tavern kitchen where we stopped ; I con-
cluded to try for the North once more. I went out and
hammered off my chains «— found some assistance to
get off my cuffs, and came on my way, travelling alto-
gether nights by the north star, and lying by in the day.
In Ohio, I found the best kind of friends, and soon

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 305

reached Canada. When I first came, I joined the sol-
diers just after the rebellion : then practised up and
down the province as a physician, from the knowledge
I had obtained from a colored man in Mississippi, who
knew roots and herbs, — but there were many kinds I
wanted which I could not find here.

I am now hiring a piece of land in Buxton. My cal-
culation is, if I live, to own a farm if I can. My health
is good, and the climate agrees with me — and it does
with colored men generally.

Slavery is barbarous. In my view, slaveholders,
judged by the way they treat colored people, are the
worst persons on earth.

K. VAN BRANKEN.

I was born and brought up in New York State. I
have suffered in the States somewhat on account of
my color : in travelling, not being allowed the same
privileges as others, when they took my money : not
having cabin fare like others, when I paid cabin pas
sage. If my work was that of an hostler or cook, or
any thing of that sort, I did not think that my place
was the parlor ; but when clean and well dressed, in
occupations not offensive, then I think I am as good as
anybody, and deserve as good treatment.

I have four acres and a half of land here, and a fifty-
acre wood-lot on the fourteenth concession, and can
make a good living here.

Among some people here, there is as much prejudice
as in the States, but they cannot carry it out as they do
in the States : the law makes the difference.

26*

306 the refugee; or a

I am acquainted with many of the colored families
here, and they are doing well. We have good schools
here.

The separate schools and churches work badly for the
colored people in the States and in Canada. In Roch-
ester, N. Y., it injured them very much, although the
separate school was petitioned for by a portion of the
colored people themselves. In Cleveland, Ohio, they
have separate churches, but no separate school. In
Chatham, the separate school was by x*equest of them-
selves. I never was in favor of such a thing.

HENRY JOHNSON.

I have lived in Canada four years — in Buxton one
year. I came originally from Pennsylvania.

The situation and circumstances of the colored peo-
ple in Canada are better than in the United States. I
have a large family — ten persons — and know. I have
bought, paid for, and have a deed of one hundred acres
of land. The people here are very prosperous — they
came into the woods without means, depending on
their own hands ; they never begged a meal here, — nor
have any goods nor old clothing been distributed. If
any were sent, I should want it sent back. In other
places, where money and clothes have been given, the
tendency is to make men lazy, — that I know, for I saw
the bad effects in Amherstburg. I wouldn't receive
any of their help : I did n't want it : I felt 't would do
more injury than good.

We look upon the steam saw and grist-mill, just fin-
ished, as of great benefit to us here.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 307

I left the States for Canada, for rights, freedom, lib-
erty. I came to Buxton to educate my children. I
lived twenty-three years in Massillon, Ohio, and was
doing w^ell at draying and carting — wanted for noth-
ing— had money when I wanted it, and provisions
plenty. But my children were thrust out of the schools,
as were all the colored children — one must know
how I would feel about it. My daughter was doing
well — advancing rapidly. She began to climb up into
the higher classes, among the ladies, and the noblemen
of the town thought it would n't do. The teacher liked
her, but she was thrust out. The teacher called about
it, but I could not send her there again : had they al-
tered the law, I would have been too spunky to send
her again. We were careful to keep her cleanly, and
to dress her nicely and well. Her mother took a great
deal of pains with her, because she was going to a
ladies' school. I went to see the trustees : they told
me the vote was passed — nothing was the matter only
she was black. The white children of her class wished
her to remain, and voted in the school against the law,
— the teacher told me so — but I said I could not send
her on account of the law.

DRESDEN; DAWN

Dresden is situated at the head of navigation on the
Big Bear Creek, just above the bend in the river which
indents the lands of the Dawn Institute. It is in the
gore of Camden, being part of the township of Cam-
den. The village contains about 100 whites and 70
blacks. There is not land enough cleared and under
cultivation to supply the wants of the inhabitants :
their principal business is in lumber, especially staves.
One individual had, in the spring of the present year,
125,000 ready for shipment, worth, as I was informed,
from $55 to $60 per M. ; and as many more had been
manufactured by others. About one fifth of the labor
on these was performed by colored men. Many of the
colored settlers were attracted to Dresden and Dawn
by the proffered advantages of education, on the indus-
trial plan, in the Dawn Institute. Their children at
present attend a school situated on the Institute Farm,
but not under the supervision of its managing agent ;
it is in the hands of trustees, connected with the com-
mon school system. Twenty-four children were assem-
bled about the house, a little before the hour for opening
school. The white and colored do not attend the same
school.

The colored people in the neighborhood of Dresden

(308)

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 309

and Dawn are generally very prosperous farmers — of
good morals, and mostly Methodists or Baptists. But
here, as among all people, are a few persons of doubtful
character, who have not been trained " to look out for
a rainy day," — and when these get a little beforehand,
they are too apt to rest on their oars.

Some of the settlers are mechanics, — shoemakers,
blacksmiths, etc. About one third of the adult settlers
are in possession of land, which is, either in whole or
in part, paid for.

BRITISH AMERICAN INSTITUTE.

In the early history of its settlement, this was known
as the Dawn Institute. In 1840, <£350 was raised
in England, mostly among Quakers, for the purpose
of establishing an Industrial or Manual Labor School
for the benefit of refugees and their children. Three
hundred acres of land were purchased and deeded to
trustees, solely to subserve educational purposes.

The Dawn Institute Farm, lies partly in the gore of
Camden, and partly in the township of Dawn. It is
beautifully situated on a bend of the river Sydenham,
(the Big Bear Creek of the maps). At one extremity
of the curve, where the river "comes cranking in," with
" deep indent," is a windowless, uninhabited, two story
frame building, against which props are placed to keep
it from falling. This house was injured by fire soon
after its erection, and has never been repaired. At the
opposite extremity of the bend, and neariy half a mile
distant, is situated a dilapidated steam saw-mill, which
has not firea up for about two years : huge logs, brought

310 the refugee; or a

to the mill long ago, lie rotting on the ground. The
ruined dwelling-house on the one hand, and the old,
unused saw-mill on the other, and the unbroken stillness
of a spot so well fitted for the home of busy men, give
an unfavorable and melancholy impression to the mind,
which the sight of the growing grain on the farm, and
of the deep and beautiful, river, winding from view
among lofty woods, can scarcely dispel. An unfreighted
canoe, paddled down the stream by a colored man, and
a larger boat which a youngster was pushing to the
shore, assisted by two lads tugging at a line, was the
only navigation observable.

I was hospitably and kindly received by John Scoble,
Esq., resident superintendent, who expatiated with pleas-
ing enthusiasm on the natural advantages of the place,
and accompanied me in a walk along the bank of the
river, to point out the site where the church is to be
erected, on either side of which is to be a school-house,
one for boys, the other for girls. The cultivated clearing,
across the stream, he pointed out as the spot where the
college is to be erected. In a beautiful piece of woods,
a little above the ruined dwelling-house, and extending
from the Dresden road to the river, trees have been
felled, to open an avenue to the shore : and when the
obstructions shall have been removed, and the road
gravelled, this avenue will add much to the beauty of
the place. The ground opposite the avenue on the
right of the Dresden road, rises gently in a wooded
knoll, — the trees are to be "thinned out," leaving a
magnificent grove, and, on the summit of the elevation,
a cottage is to be erected, from which the superintend-
ent will be able to survey all parts of the farm.

The Rev. Hiram Wilson originally concei^d the plan
of establishing here an Industrial School; and he di-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 311

teeted and managed the school for nearly seven years
from its commencement in the wilderness. At that
time there were no more than fifty colored persons in
all, in the vicinity of the tract purchased. Mr. Wilson
began the school with fourteen boarding scholars, re-
ceived the refugees as they arrived, and did what he
could for their encouragement. About seven years ago,
Mr. "W. left the Institute : it was then a little embar-
rassed, but was considered to be in good condition for
accomplishing the main design. The saw-mill was in
process of erection, about the time Mr. Wilson re-
signed.

The original purchase was two hund#d acres, to
which one hundred were subsequently added. Nearly
half the tract has been cleared, and is well cultivated.
Three or four colored families support themselves on
the Institute Farm. Mr. Josiah Henson resides here,
but as he was absent at the time of my visit to Dawn,
I had not the pleasure of an interview.

The First Annual Report to the Anti-Slavery Soci-
ety of Canada, presented March 24, 1852, says of the
Educational Institute, " About sixty pupils are attend-
ing the school. The Institution is soon to be placed
under the management of the British and Foreign Anti-
Slavery Society, a change likely to prove favorable to
its future success." The property of the Institute has
since been conveyed through John Scoble, Esq., by
" lease and release."

The whole number of colored persons in Dawn and
Dresden, who are within reach of the place where the
church and school-houses are to be built, does not ex-
ceed five hundred.

There is not a single colored person coming into
Dawn or Dresden, who if he have health and indus-

312 THE REFUGEE J OR A

trious habits cannot support himself within one week
of his arrival. Refugees need no pecuniary or other
aid, except on first arriving, or in sickness, or with
young children.

Mr. Scoble is ready to assist in any enterprise which
would be of advantage to the Institute. Sydenham
River is deep and bold ; from its banks commerce may
be carried on with St. Clair and the adjacent lakes,—
nay, with the Atlantic itself. What is wanted is, the
hearty cooperation of wealthy, energetic, and enterpris-
ing men.

WILLIAM HENRY BRADLEY.

This is my name since I left slavery : in slavery I
was known as Abram Young.

I left Maryland with my wife and two children in
1851. "While, body-servant, I was well used — while a
farm-hand, had more hardship.

In Baltimore, I was acquainted with Mr. M L.

N .

I look at slavery as the most horrid thing on earth.
It is awful to think of the poor slaves panting for a
place of refuge, and so few able to find it. There is
not a day or night that I do n't think about them, and
wish that slavery might be abolished, and every man
have his God-given rights.

I have prospered well in freedom. I thank the Lord
for my success here. I own fifty acres of land, bought
and paid for by my own energy and exertions, and I
have the deed in my house.

If there were a law to abolish the use of liquor as a
beverage, it would be a good thing for Canada.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 313

I own two span of horses, twelve head of hogs, six
sheep, two milch cows, and am putting up a farm
barn.

There is a great deal of prejudice here. Statements
have been made that colored people wished for separate
schools ; some did ask for them, and so these have been
established, although many colored people have prayed
against them as an infringement of their rights. Still,
we have more freedom here than in the United States,
as far as the government law guarantees. In conse-
quence of the ignorance of the colored men, who come
here unlearned out of slavery, the white people have an
overpowering chance. There are many respectable
colored people moving in, but I have not much hope of
a better state of things. Public sentiment will move
mountains of laws.

Steam-engines do n't work harder than a man's heart
and veins, when he starts from his master, and fears
being overtaken. I do n't understand how an honest
man can partake of any principle to carry him back.

If a man could make slaves of mud or block, and
have them work for him, it would be wrong, — all men
came of the hand of the Almighty ; every man ought
to have life, and his own method of pursuing happi-
ness.

Mr. Scoble is doing all he can for the benefit of the
colored people. His plans are all for their good, but
they do n't seem to see it, and so do n't help along as
they might.

27

314 THE KEFUGEE ; OR A

WILLIAM A. MALL.

I was born seven miles from Nashville, Term., Da-
vidson county. I lived one year in Mississippi. I saw
there a great deal of cotton-growing and persecution of
slaves by men who had used them well in Tennessee,
No man would have thought there could, have been
such a difference in treatment, when the masters got
where they could make money. They drove the hands
severely. My mother and brothers and sisters, when
they changed their country, changed their position from
good to bad. They were in Mississippi the last I heard
of them, and I suppose they are there yet. It makes
me miserable to consider that they are there : for their
condition has been kept fresh in my memory, by seeing
so much suffering and enduring so much. I went from
Mississippi to Bedford county, Tenn. My master died
here, and I was in hopes to go to see my mother. The
doctor who attended my master had me sold at auc-
tion, and bought me himself, and promised he would
never sell me to anybody ; but in six months he tried to
sell me. Not making out, he sent me to his father's
farm in Tennessee, where I was treated tolerably well.

I remained there one year, then he took me horse-
driving to Louisiana and back.

I saw some of the dreadfulest treatment on the sugar
farms in the sugar-making season. The mill did not
stop only to gear horses. People would come to my
master and beg money to buy a loaf of bread. I saw
them chained. I saw twelve men chained together,
working on the levees. I saw three hundred that spec-
ulators had, dressing them up for sale. The overseers

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 315

were about the mills, carrying their long whips all the
time and using them occasionally. When they want-
ed to whip severely, they put the head and hands in
stocks in a stooping posture.

The last two years I was in Tennessee, I saw nine
persons at different times, made fast to four stakes, and
whipped with a leather strap from their neck to their
heels and on the bottoms of their feet, raising blisters :
then the blisters broken with a platted whip, the over-
seer standing off and fetching hard blows. I have seen
a man faint under this treatment. I saw one about
eighteen years old, as smart as you would see on the
foot, used in this way: seven weeks after he fainted in
consequence ; his nerves were so shattered that he
seemed like a man of fifty.

The overseer tied me to a tree, and flogged me with
the whip. Afterwards he • said he would stake me
down, and give me a farewell whipping, that I would
always remember. While he was eating supper, I got
off my shoe, and slipped off a chain and ran: I ran, I
suppose, some six hundred yards : then hearing a dog,
which alarmed me, I climbed a hill, where I sat down
to rest. Then I heard a shouting, hallooing, for dogs
to hunt me up. I tried to understand, and made out
they were after me. I went through the woods to a
road on a ridge. I came to a guide-board — in order to
read it, I pulled it up, and read it in the moonlight, and
found I was going wrong — turned about and went
bacjt, travelling all night : lay by all day, travelled at
night till I came where Duck River and Tennessee come
together. Here I found I was wrong, — went back' to
a road that led down Tennessee River, the way I want-
ed to go. This was Monday night, — the. day before
they had been there fop me. A colored man had told

316 THE REFUGEE J OR A

them, " For God's sake to tell me not to get caught, for
they would kill me : " but that I knew before. I got
something to eat, and went on down the river, and
travelled until Saturday night at ten, living on green
corn and watermelons. Then I came to a house where
an old colored man gave me a supper : another kept me
with him three days. My clothes were now very dirty :
I got some soap of a woman, and went to a wash-place,
and washed my clothes and dried them. A heavy rain
came on at daybreak, and I went down to the river for
a canoe — found none — and went back for the day, —
got some bread, and at night went on down the river ;
but there were so many roads, I could not make out
how to go. I laid all day in a corn field. At night I
found a canoe, 12 feet long, and travelled down the
river several days, to its mouth. There I got on an
island, the river being low. I took my canoe across a
tongue of land, — a sand-bar — into the Ohio, which I
crossed into Illinois. I travelled three nights, not dar-
ing to travel days, until I came to Golconda, which I
recognized by a description I had given on a previous
attempt, — for this last time when I got away was my
fourth effort. I went on to three forks in the road, took
the left, travelled through the night, and lay by. At
two, I ventured to go on, the road not being travelled
much. But it seemed to go too far west : I struck
through the woods, and went on till so tired I could
walk no further. I got into a tobacco-pen, and stayed
till morning. Then I went through the woods, and
came to where afire had been burning — I kindled it
up, roasted a lot of corn, then travelled on about three
miles completely lost. I now came to a house, and re-
volved in my mind some hours whether to go or not, to
ask. At last I ventured, and asjved the road — got the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 317

information — reached Marion : got bewildered, and
went wrong again, and travelled back for Golconda, —
but I was set right by some children. At dark I went
on, and at daybreak got to Frankfort — 13 miles all
night long, being weak from want of food. A few
miles further on I found an old friend, who was back-
ward about letting me in, having been troubled at night
by white children. At last he let me in, and gave me
some food, which I much needed. The next night he
gave me as much as I could carry with me.

I went on to within five miles of Mount Vernon. At
4 A. M., I lay down, and slept till about noon. I got up
and tried to walk, but every time I tried to stoop under
the bushes, I would fall down. I was close to a house,
but did not dare to go to it ; so I laid there and was
sick — vomited, and wanted water very bad. At night
I was so badly off that I was, obliged to go to the house
for water. The man gave me some, and said, " Are
you a runaway ? " I said, " No — I am walking away."
" Where do you live ? " "I live here now." " Are you
a free man ? " " Why should I be here, if I am not a
freeman? — this is a free country." "Where do you
live, anyhow ? " "I live here, do n't you understand
me ? " " You are a free man, are you ? " " Do n't you
see he is a free man, who walks in a free country ? "
" Show me your pass — I s'pose you've got one." " Do
you suppose men need a pass in a free country ? this is
a free country." " I suppose you run away — a good
many fugitives go through here, and do mischief."
Said I, " I am doing no mischief — I am a man peace-
able, going about my own business ; when I am doing
mischief, persecute me, — while I am peaceable, let no
man trouble me." Said he, " I'll go with you to Mount
Vernon." " You may go, if you have a mind to : I am

27*

318 the refugee; or a

going, if it is the Lord's will that I shall get there.
Good evening ; " and I started out of the gate. He
said, " Stop ! " Said I, " Man, do n't bother me, — I'm
sick, and do n't feel like being bothered." I kept on : he
followed me, — " Stop, or I '11 make you stop ! " " Man,
did n't I tell you I was sick, and do n't want to be both-
ered." I kept on, — he picked up a little maul at a
wood-pile, and came with me, his little son following,
to see what was going on.

He walked a mile and a quarter with me, to a neigh-
bor of his — called — there came out three men. He
stated to them, " Here 's a runaway going to Mount
Vernon : I think it would be right to go with him." I
made no reply. He said, " We '11 go in with him, and
if he be correct, we '11 not injure him, — we '11 not do
him no harm, nohow." I stood consulting with my-
self, whether to fight or run ; I concluded to run first,
and fight afterward. I ran a hundred yards : one ran
after me to the edge of the woods, and turned back. I
sat down to rest, — say an hour. They had gone on
ahead of me on horses. I took a back track, and found
another road which led to Mount Vernon, which I did
not reach until daybreak, although he said 'twas only
five miles. I hastened on very quick through town, and
so got off the track again : but I found a colored friend
who harbored me three days, and fulfilled the Scriptures
in one sense to perfection. I was hungry, and he fed
me ; thirsty, and he gave me drink ; weary, and he min-
istered to my necessities ; sick, and he cared for me till
I got relieved : he took me on his own beast, and car-
ried me ten miles, and his wife gave me food for four

days' travel. His name was Y . I travelled on

three nights, and every morning found myself close to
a town. One was a large one, I got into it early, — I

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 319

was scared, for people was stirring, — but I got through
it by turning to my right, which led me thirty miles out
of my way. I was trying to get to Springfield. Then
I went on to Taylorville. I lay out all day, two miles
out, and while there, a man came riding on horseback
within two feet of me. I thought he would see me, but
he wheeled his horse, and away he went. At dark I
got up and started on. It rained heavily. I went on
to the town. I could discover nothing — the ground
was black, the sky was cloudy. I travelled a while by
the lights in the windows ; at last ventured to ask the
way, and got a direction for Springfield. After the rain
the wind blew cold ; I was chilled : I went into a calf-
lot, and scared up the calves, and lay where they had
been lying, to warm myself. It was dark yet. I stayed
there half an hour, trying to get warm, then got up, and
travelled on till daybreak. It being in a prairie, I had
to travel very fast to get a place to hide myself. I
came to a drain between two plantations, and got into
it to hide. At sundown I went on, and reached Spring-
field, as near as I could guess, at 3 o'clock. I got into
a stable, and lay on some boards in the loft.

When I awoke, the sun was up, and people were
feeding horses in the stable. I found there was no
chance to get out, without being discovered, and I went
down and told them that I was a stranger, knowing no
one there ; that I was out until late, and so went into
the stable. I asked them if there was any harm. They
said " No." I thanked them and pursued my way. I
walked out a little and found a friend who gave me
breakfast. Then I was taken sick, and could not get a
step from there for ten days : then I could walk a little,
and had to start.

I took directions for Bloomington, — but the direc-

320 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

tions were wrong, and I got thirty miles out of my way
again : so that when I reached Bloomington, I was too
tired to go another step. I begged for a carriage, and
if they had not got one, the Lord only knows what
would have happened. I was conveyed to Ottawa,
where I found an abolitionist who helped me to Chi-
cago. From about the middle of August to the mid-
dle of November, I dwelt in no house except in Spring-
field, sick, — had no bed till I got to Bloomington. In
February, I cut wood in Indiana, — I went to Wiscon-
sin, and staid till harvest was over ; then came to a
particular friend, who offered me books. I had no
money for books : he gave me a Testament, and gave
me good instruction. I had worn out two Testaments
in slavery, carrying them with me trying to get some
instruction to carry me through life. " Now," said he,
" square up your business, and go to the lake, for there
are men here now, even here where you are living, who
would betray you for half a dollar if they knew where
your master is. Cross the lake : get into Canada." I
thanked him for the book, which I have now ; settled
up and came to Canada.

I like Canada. If the United States were as free as
Canada, I would still prefer to live here. I can do as
much toward a living here in three days, as there in
six.

WINDSOR.

Wmdsor, at the terminus of the Great Western Rail-
way, is in the township of Sandwich. It was incorpo-
rated January 1, 1854, with a population of 1000 souls.
It is now estimated to contain one thousand four hun-
dred inhabitants. There are settled in various parts of
the village fifty families of colored people, some of
whom entertain as boarders a number of fugitives from
bondage. Assuming an average of five in a family, the
colored population may be set down at two hundred
and fifty. The general appearance of these is very
much in their favor. There are many good mechanics
among them : nearly all have comfortable homes, and
some occupy very neat and handsome houses of their
own.

Appearances indicate that the inhabitants of Wind-
sor will unite in supporting good schools for the rising
generation, without distinction of color. Where sepa-
rate schools exist, the advantage in respect to buildings
and teachers is for the most part on the side of the
whites ; and unless the separate schools are abolished,
there is reason to fear that the progress of the colored
people in education will be very much retarded in the
greater part of the province. Mrs. Mary E. Bibb,

(321)

322 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

widow of the late lamented Henry Bibb, Esq., has de-
voted herself to teaching a private school in Windsor,
and with good success. During the last spring term,
she had an attendance of forty-six pupils, seven of
whom were white children.

A gentleman of Windsor who has long taken a deep
interest in the welfare of the African race, is of opinion
that immigrants who have been engaged in agricultural
pursuits in Pennsylvania and other free States are more
industrious and " more to be depended upon than those
who come into Canada directly from a state of slavery."
The same gentleman assured me that the best and
most dexterous blacksmith he had ever known was a
refugee : he had not such tools as he wanted, nor would
take good ones on credit, for fear he might not be able
to pay : yet he would make or mend various utensils,
while other smiths could not. He is now at Buxton.

While in Windsor, I was repeatedly informed by
those who have the best means of knowing, that " there
is no need of raising money to aid the colored people
here, unless for a day or two when a fugitive family
first comes in. Women get half a dollar for washing,
and it is difficult to hire them at that."

A circumstance which fell under my notice in this
township of Sandwich,* reminds me of what I might
with propriety have said in referring to other parts of
the province, that it is fortunate for some conscience-
stricken slaveholders, that Canada affords a refuge for
a certain class of their household victims — their slave-
wives, or slave-children, or both. If it be a crime to
assist slaves in reaching a land of freedom, it is not
a crime of which those terrible fellows, the northern abo-

* See the narrative of J. C. Brown, Chatham.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 323

litionists, alone are guilty. Slaveholders may pour
contempt on the names and the deeds of northern phi-
lanthropists : but these have no slanderous epithets to
hurl back upon the southerner, who snatches his chil-
dren and the mother of his children from the threaten-
ing hammer of the auctioneer, and hurriedly and tear-
fully starts them for the North with the parting injunc-
tion, " Stop not short of Canada ! " We rejoice with
him that England offers a place of refuge where his
wife and his offspring may be free. Yet, of any head
of such a family, a northern fanatic might be prompted
to ask, Is this course honorable and manly ? Do not
these children need both parents to look after their in-
terests ? and does not this slave- wife, ignorant and
among strangers in a strange land, need your presence,
your counsel, your direction? He that provideth not
for his own household is worse than an infidel, and al-
most as bad as an abolitionist : but your family are in
arrears for board, and are quartered upon the charity of
persons who are themselves poor refugees.

Mr. David Cooper, who lives on the lands of the In-
dustrial Institution, has furnished a statement which
will be found below, showing the position of affairs
where he resides.

refugees' home.

At about nine miles from Windsor, in the townships
of Sandwich and Madison, the Refugees' Home Soci-
ety have made a purchase of nearly two thousand
acres of land, on which reside some twenty families,
each on a farm of twenty-five acres. Forty 25 acre
lots have been taken up. A school is maintained there
three fourths of the year.

324 the refugee; or a

Mr. Henry Bibb, who was himself a fugitive from the
house of bondage, originated the idea of establishing a
society which should " aim to purchase thirty thousand
acres of government land somewhere in the most suit-
able sections of Canada where it can be obtained for
the homeless refugees from American slavery to settle
upon." This was soon after the passage of the fugitive
slave bill.

The society was organized and a constitution adopt-
ed in August, 1852. The object of the society is de-
clared to be " to assist the refugees from American
slavery to obtain permanent homes, and to promote
their social, moral, physical, and intellectual elevation."
The society propose to purchase of the Canadian gov-
ernment, fifty thousand acres of land, at a cost of one
hundred thousand dollars. Money for the purchase is
obtained in part by contributions ; and one half the
moneys received for the sale of lands is devoted to the
purchase of other lands. The other moiety of moneys
received is to be devoted to the support of schools.

By the constitution adopted in 1852, it appears that
each family of actual settlers receives twenty-five acres
of land, five of which they receive free of cost, provided
they shall, within three years from the time of occu-
pancy, clear and cultivate the same. " For the remain-
ing twenty acres, they shall pay the primary cost in
nine equal annual payments, free of use, for which they
shall receive deeds." This article may be varied to
favor the aged, etc. " This Society shall give deeds to
none but landless refugees from American slavery."
" No person receiving land by gift or purchase from the
Society shall have power to transfer the same under
fifteen years from the time of the purchase or gift."
" All lands becoming vacated by the removal or extinc-

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 325

tion of families, shall revert to the Executive Commit-
tee."

Here, too, as in Buxton, the claims of temperance
are kept fully in view. A by-law provides that " No
house shall be used for manufacturing or vending intox-
icating liquors on any lot received from this Society."

The Refugees' Home Society, its officers and agents,
possess the entire confidence of the American public :
at least of that portion which sympathizes with the
wandering outcasts from the United States. It will be
seen by some of the testimonials which follow, that
some dissatisfaction exists among the settlers : having
its origin doubtless, in some misapprehension or mis-
take. Still, I have not felt at liberty to depart from
my original plan — that so far as the limits of a single
volume may extend, the colored people of Canada
might express their own opinions, and tell their own
story of their slavery in the past, their present condi-
tion, and their future prospects.

The second report of the Canada Anti- Slavery So-
ciety (for 1853), remarks : " There is doubtless a better
state of things amongst the fugitives, than existed at
the time when such a plan was proposed. The panic
produced by the fugitive law, having subsided, the
poor refugees have had more time allowed them to pre-
pare for the change, and in consequence, their wants
have been diminished. The true principle is now to
assume that every man, unless disabled by sickness, can
support himself and his family after he has obtained
steady employment. All that able-bodied men and
women require, is a fair chance, friendly advice, and a
little encouragement, perhaps a little assistance at first.
Those who are really willing to work, can procure em-
ployment in a short time after their arrival, so that.

28

326 the refugee; oh a

what is specially needed, is such associations of friends
at the different places where fugitives land, as will in-
terest themselves in the colored man, put him in the
way of finding employment, and extend to him such
encouragement in the way of grants of land or other-
wise, as his altered circumstances may require. In
some places, fully to accomplish this, aid from abroad
may be necessary, though in most places local charity
will, we think, prove sufficient"

A True Band has been organized by the residents of
the Home, and other persons in the vicinity.

THOMAS JONES.

I was a slave in Kentucky, and made my escape five
years ago, at the age of thirty. The usage in Ken-
tucky on the front part of the State is pretty good, — >
back, it is rather tight.

I came here without any thing. I had no money or
aid of any kind. I went right into the bush chopping
wood. J brought my lady with me, and we were mar-
ried on the way at Bloomingsburg in Fayette Co. I
have one child. With what I earned by hard licks, I
bought land and have built me a frame-house. I now
follow plastering and any thing I can find to do. I am
worth three or four thousand dollars, and pay about
thirty dollars a year tax.

If a man have aid furnished him, he does not have
so much satisfaction in what he has, — he feels depend-
ent and beholden, and does not make out so well. I
have seen this, ever since I have been here, — the bad
effects of this giving. I have seen men waiting, doing

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 327

nothing, expecting something to come over to them.
Besides, it makes a division among the colored people.
The industrious are against it, the other class favor it ;
and so they fall out. My opinion is, that the fugitive
on the road, should be assisted, but not after he gets
here. If people have money to give, they had better
give it to those who suffer in trying to help them here.
For those who come sick, or actually stand in need,
there is a society here among ourselves to take care of
them.

In regard to aid from societies on the other side, there
are many who know that money is raised for the poor
travelling fugitive, and they take advantage of it : free
people of color from the States come over pretending
to be fugitives, who never were fugitives. They come
in a miserable condition, often drinking men, worthless,
to get the money that is raised. I have known six or
seven such cases.

The colored people are doing very well. They are
poor, some of them, but are all able to have enough to
eat and wear, and they have comfortable homes, with
few exceptions, — and some of these are in a way to
have them. Some few do n't seem to care whether
they have good houses or not, as is the case among all
people.

In the Refugees' Home they are not doing very well.
Land was to be sold to the refugees at cost, giving
them five acres, and they to buy twenty. Some dis-
satisfaction exists because there has been an advance
made of four shillings an acre for surveying, although
the land had been surveyed once. The refugees all re-
fused to pay it. They were to clear up the five acres
in Ihree years. They have altered the constitution
bringing it down to two years. Some had not been on

328 the refugee; or a

three years, but went with that understanding. Alter-
ations were made, too, enlarging the size of the houses.
One of them has left the lands in consequence, and
more talk of doing so. They doubt about getting
deeds, and they begin to think 't is a humbug. The
restrictions in regard to liquor, and not selling under so
many years, nor the power to will his property to his
friends, only to his children, if he have any, make them
dissatisfied. They want to do as they please. If they
want to exchange and get a bigger place, they want to
do it without being cramped.

In addition, the men wTho have settled there, have
been a bother to the society. As they were dependent,
smart men would not go, and it has been occupied by
men who expected aid from the other side.

The colored men must rely on their own two hands,
or they'll never be any thing.

The colored people are temperate and moral.

WILLIAM S. EDWARDS.

I was born in Springfield, Ohio. My mother was, to
the best of my belief, a free-woman. While I was a
little child, a man claimed my mother as a slave woman
whom he had lost seven years before, and took both her
and me into Kentucky, — as I have been told to Bur-
lington. He took us to Louisville to sell us, and there
't was proved that she was not his, but another man's
slave ; that other man took us back to Burlington.
Here was another dispute, and another man examined,
and found more marks than the other, and proved that
she belonged to him. After passing through several

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 329

hands she was sold, and I have not seen her since, nor
do I know where she is. I have heard that when she
was sold, it was left her, to take me with her into
slavery, or remain there and be free. She chose to let
me remain. I stayed with the family until, at thirteen,
I was put to the trade of a tobacconist : remained until
twenty-one. Then I did not dare to talk about free-
dom. I dared not name it, — I still stayed working at
the business. After a while, hearing some talking about
my rights, I questioned as closely as I could, but not to
awaken distrust.

When I was about twenty-five, we had a dispute
about a holiday, and then I first claimed my rights to
his teeth, telling him that I was free. He said I must
stay two years more. A man offered to lend me two
hundred dollars, to buy 'my time: he refused. I then
hired to another man, paying' my claimant twenty dol-
lars a month, for a year and five months.

I kept on inquiring, until I found the man who first
carried me into Kentucky. He told me a very straight
story, — that he had found the woman whom he had
lost in New Orleans — she having been absent from
him fifteen years and six months, having been in New
Orleans all that time. I searched the records at the
Recorder's office, but there was nothing on the books,
— the whole being a rascally scheme, therefore they
took no account of it on the books. The clerk said
there surely was no trial or transaction in the court ; if
there had been, it would have been on record. But the
man who brought me said there was a trial ; he ac-
knowledged that neither me nor my mother ever be-
longed to him ; that it was a mistake.

Another man went with me to search, but found no
scratch of a pen from ten years back to forty. I then

28*

330 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

got a white man to go to the persons who pretended to
own me, and he told me, in their presence, that if a man
were half white and born free, he ought to be free ; and
you are all of that. My boss said that I would be free
after a time — that he never meant to keep me over
time. He probably meant my time as long as I lived,
— as a master told his slave once, " When you die, I'll
give you your papers." He said I could n't pass with-
out papers : he went with me, saying to get papers, and
then he would not, but said I must stay a while longer
before I could get them ; that he could not give them
to me just yet. Things went on in this way two or
three months, until I was nearly twenty-seven years
old. At length my mistress's son, by her consent, gave
me free papers. I went to Ohio : then came into Can-
ada, and settled down in Chatham.

I have five children. One goes to school ; we are not
able to send all on account of the price partly, as we
have to pay fifty cents a quarter for each child, at the
public school. I went into Chatham with nothing, and
I want the children some in the family.

I have seen many things practised in slavery which
are too horrible to name.

MRS. COLMAN FREEMAN.

I am a native of North Carolina. I was born free,
and lived with my father and mother. My father was
a quadroon — my mother a mulatto. My father fought
the British in the Revolution. His brother was drafted,
but being sick, my father volunteered to take his place,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 331

and was in the army seven years. When he returned
his brother was dead. He did not get a pension until
three years before he died, not knowing that he was
entitled to one, until, on some abuse from white men,
he went into court, and the lawyer said, " Will you
suffer injustice to be done to this white-headed old man,
who has faced the cannon's mouth, fighting for our lib-
erties ; who has maintained himself and family without
drawing a penny from the government ? "

When colored persons had their meetings in the
groves, white men would stand with their whips where
they were coming out, to examine for passes, and those
who had passes would go free, — the others would
break and run, like cattle with hornets after them. I
have seen them run into the river. I remember one
time, I was going with my brother, and saw them at
the meeting, trying to get away from the patrollers. I
could not help shedding tears to see the distress they
were in. They ran into the river, and tried to get away.
Said I to my brother, " What are they running so into
the river for ? " He hunched me, and said, " Do n't you
see the patrollers ? " This was because they wanted to
hear preaching, and learn a little about Almighty God
that made them. They were not allowed to meet with-
out patrollers.

I knew a slave named Adam who experienced relig-
ion, and wanted to be baptized. Saturday night the
overseer told him he should not be baptized. He went
to his mistress, and she gave him a pass for the purpose.
Next day, I went down to the shore of the mill-pond
to sec the baptizing. Just as Adam was ready to go
into the water, the overseer rode up, and cried out,
" Adam ! Adam ! if you get baptized, I will give you a
hundred lashes to-morrow morning ! " Adam said, " I

332 the refugee; or a

have but two masters to serve, my earthly and my
heavenly master, and I can mind nobody else." I

know that overseer very well ; his name was :

I was standing right by him. Then he forbade Mr.

L from baptizing him. Mr. L. : " If there is a God

I will baptize Adam; if not, I will not baptize him."
The overseer stood up in his stirrups, and cursed so that
he frightened all the people on the beach : his eyes
glowed like two lighted candles. As soon as Adam
came out of the water, he ran for home to get protec-
tion from his mistress. She prevented the overseer
from punishing him.

I came away from North Carolina in consequence of
persecution. There was a rebellion among the slaves
in Virginia, under Nat Turner, near where I was. A
doctor near me had his mother and brothers and sisters,
except two, killed in that rebellion. The white people
that had no slaves would have killed the colored, but
their masters put them in jail to protect them from the
white people, and from fears they had themselves of
being killed. They came to my mother's, and threat-
ened us — they searched for guns and ammunition :
that was the first time I was ever silenced by a white
man. One of them put his pistol to my breast, and
said, " If you open your head, I '11 kill you in a min
ute ! " I had told my mother to hush, as she was in
quiring what their conduct meant. We were as igno*
rant of the rebellion as they had been. Then I made up
my mind not to remain in that country. We had to
stay a while to sell our crop : but I would not go to
church there any more.

I lived in Ohio ten years, as I was married there, —
but I would about as lief live in the slave States as in
Ohio. In the slave States I had protection sometimes,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 333

from people that knew me — none in Ohio. I under-
stand the laws are better in Ohio now than they were
then. In the slave States I had no part in the laws :
the laws were all against the colored men : they allowed
us no schools nor learning. If we got learning, we
stole it.

We live here honestly and comfortably. We enter-
tain many poor strangers.

BEN BLACKBURN.

I was born in Maysviile, Ky. I got here last Tuesday
evening, and spent the Fourth of July in Canada. I
felt as big and free as any man could feel, and I worked
part of the day for my own benefit : I guess my mas-
ter's time is out. Seventeen came away in the same
gang that I did.

WILLIAM L. HUMBERT.

I am from the city of Charleston, S. C, and have
been in various parts of South Carolina and Georgia.
I used to run in a steamboat from Savannah to
Charleston.

I left Charleston in September, 1853. I lived in the
free States some months, but finally left on account of
the Fugitive Slave Bill. This was a law of tyranny,
and I had to come to Canada to avoid the ten dollar
commissioner. I would rather die than go back, —
that's a settled point with me — not on account of ill-

334 the refugee; or a

treatment of the person ; but I could not stand the idea
of being held by another man as a chattel. Slavery
itself is cruel enough, without regard to the hardships
which slaves in general have to undergo.

I do not believe that any slaveholder under the can-
opy of heaven can see God's face ; that is, if I read the
Bible right. Slaveholding is against all reason. All
men are from the same mother dust, and one can have
no right to hold another as a chattel. I know three or
four preachers of the gospel who hold slaves. As the
minister goes, the congregation goes. The ministers
preach to please the people, and not in the fear of God.
I never knew but one exception there. I have seen a
minister hand the sacrament to the deacons to give the
slaves, and, before the slaves had time to get home,
living a great distance from church, have seen one of
the same deacons, acting as patrol, flog one of the
brother members within two hours of his administering
the sacrament to him, because he met the slave in the
road without a passport, beyond the time allowed him
to go home. My opinion of slavery is not a bit differ-
ent now from what it was then : I always hated it from
childhood. I looked on the conduct of the deacon with
a feeling of revenge. I thought that a man who would
administer the sacrament to a brother church-member,
and flog him before he got home, ought not to live.

DAVID COOPER.

There was an institution started here in Sandwich
about six years ago, called the Industrial Institution.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 335

The land was bought by JLev. Mr. Willis, colored Meth-
odist preacher, with money raised in the United States.
It comprised two hundred acres, and was divided into
ten-acre lots, and sold to any colored men who were
disposed to buy, at three dollars on taking possession,
and then six dollars the two subsequent years — then
they were to have a deed. The land has never been
wholly occupied. Some bought the land, but never
went on it. There are now eight families on this land,
who have forty acres cleared. A part of them can prin-
cipally support themselves on what they have cleared,
but they have to work out to keep their families sup-
plied.* The roads there are very bad, — being wet and
muddy. We have had a school there, but it is not kept
up. We attend here at church — - [at the Refugees'
Home.]

I was from Virginia originally, but was brought up
in Pennsylvania. My wife was a slave.

JOHN MAETLN.

I was born in Virginia, raised up in Tennessee, ran
into Ohio, and emigrated to Canada, in order to avoid
the oppressive laws of the States.

* The same evil hinders to some extent the advance of the Elgin
Settlement at Buxton : the Directors of which, in 1854, report as
follows : —

" Could it be so arranged that all the settlers could work on their
own farms during the whole year, the improvement in clearing and
cropping would be very easily doubled. We do hope, before another
year, that some arrangement will be made by which the settlers will
be enabled to spend more time on their own farms, and with their
families."

336 THE REFUGEE J OR A

The Refugees' Home in Sandwich was commenced
in 1851. It comprises between sixteen and seventeen
hundred acres of land, — I do not know how many
families reside on it. I commenced here in the bush
three years ago, and have gone over about eight acres

— I think the biggest clearing there is. Those near
round me are well satisfied with their homes, excepting
the oppression they have tried to raise on us as to the
price. They were to have it at the original price, but
they bought more land at a higher rate, and wanted to
average it on all alike. The old settlers are dissatisfied
and will probably leave, if this is enforced.

We have a school here. I cannot tell whether it is
good or not, as it has just commenced under a new
teacher : the former one did well.

The prospect is, that if the new arrangements about
the price are given up, the settlers will go on clearing,
and progress in the best way we can : I believe the
lands will be taken up, and that the colored people will
have good farms here.

Slavery is a dreadful thing. Slaveholders — I know
not what will become of them. Some of them I love,

— but I know they deserve punishment, and leave them
in the hands of God.

The people have been told absolute falsehoods about
our freezing and suffering, and money has been raised
which does no good. It has been reported to us, that
thousands of dollars have been raised for our benefit, of
which we have never received the first red cent. I say
so — I am fifty -five years old, and have ever tried to
keep the truth on my side.

I was not sent to school in slave States, but have
since learned to write, as witness my hand,

(Signed) John Martin.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 337

DANIEL HALL.

I escaped from the neighborhood of New Orleans,
seventeen years ago; had some difficulty about getting
through Illinois — there were many slaveholders in
heart in Illinois — but I got through » I settled in Mai-
den at Amherstburfif* It was then a dense woods -r-
with but little cleared land. There were very few col*
ored people when I got there. If a man had half or
three quarters of an acre of corn, he thought he had a
large patch : now they have twenty»five or thirty acre
lots. The clearing has been done by colored and
white, mostly by colored men, as I know, for I cleared
up a great deal myself. On the Lake Erie shore, the
colored people have raised in past years, a great deal of
tobacco, but now they raise corn, wheat, potatoes, and
buckwheat

I look at slavery as being heinous in the sight of God.
And as for slaveholders, what is to become of people
who take the husband from his wife, and the infant
from its mother, and sell them where they can never
see each other again ?

What the colored people want is, land and education.
With these, they will do well here.

By the blessing of God, I have been enabled to be-
come possessor of fifty acres in Colchester, of which six
or seven acres are cleared.

29

338 the refugee; or a

LYDIA ADAMS.

[Mrs. A. lives in a very comfortable log-house on the road from
Windsor to the Refugees' Home.]

I am seventy or eighty years old. I was from Fair-
fax county, old Virginia. I was married and had three
children when I left there for Wood county, where I
lived twenty years : thence to Missouri, removing with
my master's family. One by one they sent four of my
children away from me, and sent them to the South :
and four of my grandchildren all to the South but one.
My oldest son, Daniel — then Sarah — all gone. " It 's
no use to cry about it," said one of the young women,
" she 's got to go." That 's what she said when Esther
went away. Esther's husband is here now, almost
crazy about her : they took her and sold her away from
him. They were all Methodist people — great Metho-
dists — all belonged to the church. My master died —
he left no testimony whether he was willing to go or
not. ... I have been in Canada about one year, and
like it as far as I have seen.

I 've been wanting to be free ever since I was a little
child. I said to them I did n't believe God ever meant
me to be a slave, if my skin was black — at any rate
not all my lifetime : why not have it as in old times,
seven years' servants ? Master would say, " No, you
were made to wait on white people : what was niggers
made for? — why, just to wait on us all."

I am afraid the slaveholders will go to a bad place —
I am really afraid they will. I do n't think any slave-
holder can get to the kingdom.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 339

J. F. WHITE.

I have served twenty-five years as a slave ; born in
Virginia, and brought up, or rather whipped up, in
Kentucky. I have lived in Canada two years — I have
bought one hundred acres of land in Sandwich, suitable
to raise any kind of grain.

I want you to tell the people of the United States,
that as far as begging for fugitives is concerned, that
we are amply able to take care of ourselves : we have
done it, and can do it. We want none to beg for us ;
let them give to the fugitive on his way, and to those
who are assisting him on his way. Money has been
raised — an immense quantity of it too, but we don't
get it — indeed, we don't want it. We have a society
here to take care of our brothers when they get here,
and we can do it without assistance. If people send
things through pure motives to the suffering, we thank
them for their intentions, — still, there is no need of
their doing even that.

LEONARD IIAKROD.

I was born and bred in Georgetown, D. C, where I
had a wife and two children. About six o'clock one
morning, I was taken suddenly from my wife; she
knew no more where I had gone than the hen knows
where the hawk carries her chicken. Fifteen hundred
miles I wore iron on my wrist, chained in a gang from

340 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

Georgetown to Port Gibson. There I was sold and
put to receive and pack cotton, etc., for six years.
Then I was sold to Nashville, Tenn., one year ; then to
New Orleans fifteen years ; then I took up my bed and
walked for Canada. I have been in Canada nearly
two years. I was poor — as low down as a man could
be who is not underground. It was in winter, — my
wife was in a delicate situation, — and we had nothing
for bedclothes at night but what we had worn through
the day. We suffered all the winter for things we left
on the way, which were never sent us. My wife is
now under the doctor's care in consequence.

I have hired a place to work on, and have bought
two acres of land.

A man can get more information in Canada about
slavery, than he can in the South. There I would
have told you to ask master, because I would have
been afraid to trust a white man : I would have been
afraid that you would tell my master. Many a time
my master has told me things to try me. Among
others, he said he thought of moving up to Cincinnati,
and asked me if I did not want to go. I would tell
him, " No ! I do n't want to go to none of your free
countries!" Then he'd laugh, — but I did want to
come — surely I did. A colored man tells the truth
here, — there he is afraid to.

SANDWICH.

This beautiful and quiet town, two miles from Wind-
sor, has a population of about fifteen hundred, includ-
ing twenty-one colored families, which number, perhaps,
one hundred persons.

The colored population have the right to send their
children when qualified, into the grammar school.
None have hitherto availed themselves of this right.
Here, as in many other parts of the province, the col-
ored people by accepting of that provision of law, which
allows them separate schools, fail of securing the best
education for their children. The colored teachers who
present themselves are examined with a great deal of
" lenity," — and some who cannot even spell, are placed
in charge of the young.

The prejudice against the African race is here very
strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy
school taxes on the colored people. Some three or
four years since, a trustee assessed a school tax on some
of the wealthier citizens of that class. They sent their
children at once into the public school. As these sat
down, the white children near them deserted the benches:
and in a day or two, the white children were wholly
withdrawn, leaving the school-house to the teacher and
his colored pupils. The matter was at last — " compro-

29* (341>

342 the refugee; or a

mised : " a notice — " Select School " — was put up on
the school-house : the white children were selected in,
and the black were selected out.

Still, the prejudice here is not deeply seated : it is
only skin-deep. Some slight affairs on the border prove
that if a slaveholder were to set his foot in the town-
ship with any sinister intention, the true sentiments
and feelings of the people would manifest themselves
in the most decided and unmistakable manner. The
people of Sandwich, as one of them jocosely remarked
to me, are " awful independent : " and such is their
strong old-fashioned English hatred of oppression, that
the population would rally, almost to a man, to defend
the rights of the humblest negro in their midst, — even
of " crazy Jack," the butt of the village boys.

It is to be observed, moreover, that the law allows
separate schools not only to colored people, but to
Catholic and Protestant sects, when these are in a
minority.

The colored people have also their separate churches
here. The Methodists contemplate erecting a building
for public worship, and a member of that society re-
marked to me that he for one, would like to have aid
for that purpose, as he did not see how it could be
done without ; but that the sentiment of his brethren
generally was against begging. I asked him why they
did not attend the churches of the whites of the same
denomination. His reply indicated that they thought
they would not be welcomed there with a single excep-
tion : " One church," said he, " has thrown open its doors
to us ; and that is the English Church — Mr. Dewey's
— they have invited us all in, and they say if it is
not big enough, they will make it bigger." Whether
I advised him to comply with an invitation so truly

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 343

Christian in character, the reader, if he is a Yankee,
and cares to take the trouble, can readily guess.

There is a school now open here registering thirty
colored children, and having an average attendance of
twenty-four. It is under the charge of an able and ac-
complished lady teacher — Miss GifTord — who inform-
ed me that the school was established by the Refugees'
Home Society.

GEORGE WILLIAMS.

1 was from Maysville, Ky., but belonged in Fairfax
county at first. Left Virginia at fourteen years old, —
am now fifty-three ; have lived in Sandwich about
fourteen years. When we removed from Virginia, my
mother left her husband and two sisters behind. She
was much grieved at leaving her husband : the children
were taken from her before. This separation of fami-
lies is an awful thing. At ten or twelve years old, the
thought grew in me, that slavery was wrong. I felt
mad every day when I thought of being kept a slave.
I calculated on buying myself, and offered my master
two hundred and fifty dollars. He wanted me to work
a year first, going with me to another town. I did not
want to go, and came off peaceably.

I remained about six years in the free States. In
some respects, I suffered in them on account of my
color. Many looked on me with contempt because I
was a colored man. My oath was not taken as a white
man's. I had a farm in Ohio, and was doing well, but
a law was then passed requiring security for good be-

344 the refugee; or a

havior. A white man represented it worse than it was,
so as to take advantage, as myself and two others had
a heavy crop standing. I lost by coming off before
harvest : all I got was a few bushels of wheat. It was
a great damage breaking us up at that time.

I work at whitewashing, etc. I rent a house and
own a small piece of land. The colored men here get
a living. The greater part of them have no learning, —
almost all of them have been slaves. Some of them
have homes of their own ; but most of them hire. Most
of them send their children to school. But we have to
rent a house, and although the rent is low, yet we get
behind on the rent, till some of us make a sacrifice and
pay up. The school is not kept up through the year.
We have not had regular schooling, — we do not send
to the same school as the whites. There were too few
of us to raise money for a separate school. We re-
ceived £18 from government, but could not carry it on,
and gave it up. There is one school now supported by
abolitionists in the United States.

I do not go so strong as some against receiving as-
sistance. I have seen many cases of destitute suffering
people, who needed aid, and our people could scarcely
help them. But the best way would be to manage by
means of societies corresponding with those of the
States. In some places, the colored people can man-
age without aid, — but here not.

HENRY BRANT.

I was from Millwood, Frederic Co., Virginia. I was
brought up by Col. N 's widow. I ■ remained in

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 345

bondage until twenty-three, hired out at different places.
I had very little chance to get money, — perhaps two
or three dollars a year. Usage was, compared with
farming usage, good, as when I was hired out, there
were restrictions, that I should be well used.

It always appeared to me that I wanted to be free,
and could be free. No person ever taught me so, — it
came naturally in my mind. Finally I saw that my
case was pretty bad, if I was to live all my lifetime
subject to be driven about at the will of another. When
I thought of it, I felt wrathy at the white men. At
length, I said — this will not do — if I stay here I shall
kill somebody — I 'd better go.

In 1834, my mistress being old, I feared that in event
of her death, I might be placed on some farm, and be
cruelly used. I sought out a chance to get off. I found
friends among those who were in the interests of the
slaveholders, and by their instructions reached Canada
without trouble, and had the satisfaction of having a
friend come too by my persuasion. He is in Canada,
but I have not seen him since. I settled in Sandwich.

I received on coming into the country neither vict-
uals, clothes, nor money, — I received only a welcome,
— that was all I wanted, and I was thankful to get it.
I did just what work I could find to be done. I man-
aged to save up what little I got pretty well. I in-
vested in a home. I got me a house and lot. I own
ten acres in the bush.

Comparing the condition of the colored population
here with an equal number of families of white labor-
ers, I think they are about equal in means.

Slavery is abominable, — I think slaveholders know
it is wrong : they are an intelligent people and they
know it. They ought to have done their duty, — given

346 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

me my freedom and something to live on for what my-
self and forefathers had earned. I don't see how a
man can obtain heaven, and continue to do as the
slaveholders do. A man may do wrong a long time
and repent, — but if he continues it, as they do, I think
it a hard case for him.

MES. HENRY BRANT.

I am from Maryland. I suffered the worst kind of
usage : that of being held as a slave.

I was fortunately among those who did not beat and
bruise me. I was gambled off to a trader by my
owner. I made such a fuss, (and the people told him
H was a shame to let me go to a trader, — that I was
too good a girl for that, having taken care of him in
sickness, — that I ought to have had a chance to find
some one to buy me,) that he felt ashamed of what he
had done, and bought me back. Then he gave me a
chance to buy myself, — gave me one year to pay $270 :
before the year was out, I offered him $150 in part
payment, — he would n't take that unless I 'd pay all.
I then asked him, would he take that, and security for
$120, payable six months after, and give me my papers
down. He refused. Then I said to myself, " If you
won't take that, you shan't take any." I started for
Canada, and travelled in style, — he could n't take me.

My sister was a free-woman. She was to buy me,
and pay $270, and I was to be the security. But he
overreached himself: for he drew the paper in such a
way, that he could not get the money of my sister.
Had I overstayed the year, I would never have seen

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 347

#

Canada ; for then I would have been carried back to
the eastern shore.

One thing which makes it bad about getting our chil-
dren into school here is, we are so near Detroit. The
people here would feel ashamed to have the Detroit
people know that they sent the white into the same
school with the colored. I have heard this from a white
woman.

AMHERSTBURG,

Contains a population of more than two thousand.
The colored portion is variously estimated at from four
hundred to five hundred, — the latter number probably
being nearer exactness. Some of these, who had resid*
ed in the free States, before emigrating to Canada,
assured me that here the colored people are " doing
rather better than the same class in the United States.''

A separate school has been established here, at their
own request : their request was given them, but lean-
ness went with it. I visited the school. There was an
attendance of twenty -four, • — number on the list, thirty.
The school-house is a small, low building, and contains
neither blackboard nor chair. Long benches extend on
the sides of the room, close to the walls, with desks of
corresponding length in front of them. The whole in-
terior is comfortless and repulsive. The teacher, a col-
ored lady, is much troubled by the frequent absences of
the pupi]s, and the miserably tattered and worn-oat
condition of the books. Two inkstands were in use,
which, on being nearly inverted, yielded a;, very little
bad ink. The teacher appeared to be one of the work-
ing sort, disposed to bear up as well as she could under
her many discouragements : but the whole school adds
one more dreary chapter to " the pursuit .of knowledge
under difficulties." But there is a better time coming.

(348)

NORTH- SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 349

Maiden (Amherstburg) is one of the stations at which
the Colonial Church and School Society propose to
establish schools, " expressly for the benefit of the col-
ored race, but open to all."

The colored people are engaged in the various me-
chanic arts, and as shopkeepers, etc. One of the best
hotels is kept by a very intelligent colored man. In an
evening walk about the town, his was the only house
from which I heard the cheerful sound of vocal and in-
strumental music: and this was occasionally interrupted
by some " saucy " white boy shouting, as he passed, a
stave of our national, Union-saving air ; the same which
was played in State street, Boston, by a full band, when
Massachusetts swallowed so bitter a dose, that the
whole world made up faces : when, with all the pride,
pomp, and circumstance of glorious war, it sent one
poor "fugitive black man" "to old Virginia's shore."
It was all right, no doubt, — for on examining the
Scriptures, a " passage " from the Constitution, " No
person held to service or labor," etc., was found so
snugly pasted over Deut. 23 : 15, that if it were possible,
it might deceive the very elect. Therefore, said the
people, Burns must be sent back : and the poor fellow
was marched off, surrounded by beings who differed
mainly from Southern " negro dogs," in not being
worth, morally speaking, the remotest approximation to
" $100 apiece." It is said that pepper was thrown at
them: this was in bad taste, — it had been better to
offer them salt — Turks Island — as a very useful anti-
septic for men who could scarcely boast soul enough to
prevent the action of decomposing chemical forces.
The reader is requested to pardon this digression, the
only one we have made hitherto. It is difficult to
speak with calmness when reminded of so disgraceful

30

350 the refugee; or a*

an action as the surrender of Anthony Burns. The
time has come for Americans to adopt the motto of De
"Witt Clinton — " Patria cara, carior libertas." [Dear
is my country? liberty is dearer,]

CHARLES BROWN.

I was born in Virginia, and was raised a slave. My
grandmother was a free-woman in Maryland. One day,
as she was washing by a river, a kidnapper came up,
gagged and bound her, carried her into Virginia, and
there sold her into bondage. She there had four chil-
dren, my mother, my mother's sister, and my mother's
two brothers. After about twenty or twenty-five years,
when I was a very small boy, a man from Maryland,
named Hanks, came through Virginia. He saw my
grandmother, and knew her. "What!" said he, "are
you here?" She told him how she had been kidnap-
ped. He said, " You are free, and I '11 get you your
freedom." Her oath was good for nothing, bat by
Hanks's oath, she would get free. At night she was
jerked up and carried to Orleans, and sold on a cotton
plantation. . She wrote on, a good while after, that she
would get free, and come back and free her children.
She got free herself, as I have heard, but 'twas when
she got too old to do any more work. My mother and
all the folks there in Virginia knew about her being
stolen, and about Hanks's coming there.

I was used kindly, as I always did my work faith-
fully. But I knew I ought to be free. I told my mas-
ter one day — said I, " You white folks set the bad
example of stealing — you stole us from Africa, and

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 351

not content with that, if any got free here, you stole
them afterward, and so we are made slaves." I told
him, I would not stay. He shed tears, and said he
thought I would be the last one to leave him.

A year after, I left for the North. I have been cook
for large hotels. My health is now very poor, — I have
had a bad cough for two or three, years, from overwork
— cooking sometimes for three hundred persons in a
hotel. I have always supported myself, and have some
money by me yet. I reside in Chatham, and came here
to see a physician.

JAMES SMITH.

I was raised on the head waters of the south branch
of the Potomac, in Pendleton Co., Va. The treatment
there is mild, if there can be any mildness in it. I re-
mained there until my escape in 1847. My father was
a white man, and was my master too. My mother's
father was also a white man. My master was an Eng-
lishman, born in the city of London. When I was five
years old, he gave me to his son, who was my half-
brother, and he raised me. This son had then children
about my age. These children were sent to school, but
I was not. These children talked about learning me,
but they said, " we mus n't — father says he'll write a
pass and run off." I have learned to read since I came
away. I was ordered about like the other slaves. 1
ate in the kitchen while they, (my brother's family,) ate
at a table by themselves. I was stuck off one side.
Other people mentioned my relation to my master, but
I never mentioned it to him, nor he to me. His sons
had it thrown at them that we favored one another : it

352 the refugee; or a

was looked on as a stigma. My mother often told me
how it was, but told me not to mention it as it would
make it worse for her. She died before her master.

My old master was a very wicked man and died a
miserable death. My brother was present. My master
always had a custom of cursing and swearing, and he
died in the same state. Nothing was said about giving
me my freedom.

I used to drive to Richmond, and stop at a tavern
with white wagoners. I would notice the landlord's
countenance, viewing me very much to see if I had
colored blood : the wagoners would look at me and wink.
They got me in on purpose to joke and bother him. I
ate with the other wagoners, excepting a single time.
He followed me out into the kitchen where I was eat-
ing, and asked me if I was a slave or not. I told him
I was. He said I was too white to be a slave. It is
often the case that these rascals feel for their own
blood — they will say to a man of my color, "It's a
pity you 're a slave — you 're too white to be a slave."

My half-brother got involved and sold me for four
hundred dollars to a person in the same neighborhood.
I lived with him about two years and six months, clear-
ing up farm six months, balance of the time at grist-
mill. His treatment I count well for being a slave.
His name was N — — E .

After my father's death, my brothers and sisters, (also
my father's children,) four in number, were hired out at

auction to the highest bidder. E came home and

told me all about it. I then thought, " I 'm doing well
enough now, but I do n't know how long it will last, —
I'll try next fall to get my liberty."

The next fall, I made arrangements and walked
away. This was in the fall of '47. After travelling

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 353

fifty miles, I came right along in the road, and nobody
asked me any questions, except one man who knew
me, and who proved to be my friend. I stayed up-
wards of three years in the free States, married there a
few days before I left in 1850, and came to Canada. I
left the United States, in consequence of the Fugitive
Slave Bill — it's only a Bill. It vexed me as I was leav-
ing in the boat, to hear the Germans, whom I could un-
derstand, laughing about the " niggers " having to leave,
and come to Canada. One man was taken away from
his wife and three children and carried back before I
left.

I am doing tolerably well in Canada, and am getting
a very comfortable living. I own a lot of land worth
about two hundred dollars, and have other property. I
keep a grocery, and sell to all who will buy, without
distinction of color.

KEY. WILLIAM TROY.

From Essex county, Va. My father was a slave of
-, Senator of the United States. My mother

was a free-woman.

I lived there until twenty-one. I left there 11 th March,
1848. I saw scenes there that made my heart bleed.

I can particularize the breaking up of R P. W 's

farm, some five hundred slaves, many of whom were
my associates, with whom I had often been to meeting,
belonging to the same church. We had many meet-
ings together, sometimes broken up by patrols. When
we had meetings, it was at late hours, to avoid the

30*

354 THE REFUGEE : OR A

patrols — yet sometimes they would run us away, and
sometimes we would get our meetings through. They

were sold to different persons — Judge and others.

About the time a part of them were leaving, I went
to bid them farewell. Many had their hearts so full of
grief that they could not speak — they could only give
me their hands.

Another lot who belonged to the same man, aroused
me by singing about nine at night, passing my father's
residence, singing, bidding farewell to all their friends ;
many left father, mother, and children behind them. I
may mention here that one of these slaves, a woman
named Martha Fields, who was hired out at the time,
was taken early one morning, without time to get her
clothes, hurried off to Richmond, and sold to the high-
est bidder. From Richmond she went on to New Or-
leans, put into a slave-pen, and bought by Mr. A ,

a celebrated negro trader, and put on his farm, where
she married A.'s slave. A. gave them free papers, and
they now reside in Cincinnati. She says she has suf-
fered enough herself, and seen so much suffering, that
she believes that all those who hold slaves, and those
who uphold slavery will, if there is any such place as
one of torment, will be sure to go there.

I was aroused at Loretto, Va., by the sale of a slave
named William, who was sold by his master. I heard
the boy hollowing in the swamp ; from hearing his
shrieks, I made towards the boy, — when I went there,
I found him in the act of catching the boy to have him
sold. His mother, who grieved much at the sight, was
told if she did not hush, her back would be cow-hided.
This same man, soon after that, took her into the stable
to whip her, and finding some difficulty about getting
off her clothes, took his knife and cut them from her,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 355

and whipped her until she bled. Before I came away,
he had sold the last one of her children. This man was
N S -.

These are facts which cannot be denied by the per-
sons whom I have named, and I intend to be a terror to
the system while I live.

Personally, I have suffered on account of my color in
regard to education. I was not allowed to go to school
publicly, — had to learn privately. The reason of my
coming away was, I knew that I was open to the as-
saults of any ruffian, if he were a white man, and if I
made any reply, I was liable to nine and thirty before
what they call a justice of the peace. Further, I could
not educate my children there, and make them feel as
women and men ought — for, under those oppressive
laws, they would feel a degradation not intended by
Him who made of one blood all the people of the
earth.

I have been here a few weeks only — am settled as
pastor over the First Baptist Church ; about one hun-
dred usually attend divine service here, most of whom
have been slaves. They seem to enjoy religion and
freedom very much indeed. None are desirous to re-
turn to the corn-cobs of Egypt.

At Enorn Church, Essex county, Va., colored and
white meet together. On the first Sabbath in the
month the colored assemble with the white pastor to
attend to their church business after sermon. Some-
times a few whites are present on this Sabbath. I
used to go to church regularly, but never heard them
preach from, " Masters, render unto your servants that
which is just and equal : " but I will write down as
near as I can, (and I recollect all his points,) a sermon

preached by Rev. Mr. , on the first Sabbath in the

month, and the church proceedings.

356 the befugee; or a

SERMON PREACHED AT THE BAPTIST CHURCH CALLED ENORN,
BY THE REV. MR. .

Eph. 6 : 5. Servants, be obedient to them that are }rour masters
according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your
heart as unto Christ.

First, — Let me state relative to the different posi-
tions we occupy in life : I am not a lawyer, neither am
I a senator, nor a judge of any court, — still I am con-
tented, because Providence has placed me so, and I am
willing to submit to his Divine will ; and the Apostle
tells us, that godliness with contentment is great gain.

Secondly, — Now you brethren that suffer affliction,
should endure it as good soldiers, enduring all hardness.
Paul says to his son Timothy, " Let as many servants
as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy
of all honor, that the name of God and his doctrine be
not blasphemed." And they that have believing mas-
ters, let them not despise them. These are holy in-
junctions, and must be adhered to. Be contented un-
der all circumstances with singleness of heart to God,
not giving railing for railing, but with fear do the will
of your master. Count not your slight affliction dear,
for God your Father hath so decreed from all eternity
that you should suffer, and if you despise the imposi-
tion of God, you cannot enjoy his spiritual benefits.

Again, — we will have to take into consideration the
base action of one of our brethren who ran away from
his master. When we go into this work, you must
consider the obligation that the servant is under to his
master; then examine the text, and you will know
that we shall be compelled to excommunicate brother

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 357

Reuben Smith for running away from his master,
Mr. .

Now the Deacons (colored) who are present will
state the case, and we will take action on it. Deacon

R , you will state what you know about Reuben's

running away.

Deacon R. Yes, Sir ; I know that he ran away from
his master, and so far as I know about such conduct, I
believe it wrong, and can't be tolerated by us.

Minister. Will Deacon Edmund , come for-
ward? State what you know about the case...

Deacon E. It is true, Sir, that Reuben ran away,
and we must exclude him for it.

Minister. Now, brethren, you hear the statements of
your deacons, what will you do with the case ?

Deacon R. I move that we exclude brother Reuben,
for running away from master.

Deacon E. I second that.

Minister. All that are in favor of that motion will
hold up your right hand. It is unanimous. Well,
brethren, we have done God's will, let us sing and con-
clude our meeting. Billy, will you sing ?

" Jerusalem, my happy home !
Oh, how I long for thee !
When will my sorrows have an end,
My joys when shall I see?"

Receive the benediction. — May the God of peace
crown our efforts with success, and save us all in the
end, for the Redeemer's sake. Amen.

Reuben Smith was a preacher, and an intelligent
man: that's the reason he ran away. He was caught
in the city of Washington, and sold into Louisiana.

358 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

WILLIAM LYONS.

I have worked in Amherstburg at joining — have
worked here two years. I get 155. York, a day. My
family are in Detroit. I was free-born in Virginia, and
have been ill-treated in the free States, on account of
my color. I went into Columbus, Ohio, to work at my
trade ; I was employed in a shop. The journeymen all
left the shop — wouldn't work in the shop with a col-
ored man — would n't think of it. I persevered, and got
employment from one who defied the prejudice of the
city, — Mr. Robert Reardon. After that I found no
difficulty at all, and was treated like a gentleman. The
people there who had employed me wished me to re-
main. I own property there now.

The colored people here are industrious and doing
well. They are doing as well as those in the States.
There is less whiskey drinking by colored people here,
than in any place I know of. They use less, in my
opinion, than the whites in general.

JOSEPH SANFORD.

At 10 years old I was moved to Kentucky, from
Madison Co., Va. I remained in Kentucky till about
50

My father always advised me to be tractable, and
get along with the white people in the best manner I
could, and not be saucy. My mother always taught
me to serve the Lord — which has ever been my aim ;

HORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 359

in which I am not the least tired, and am more anxious
to go forward than ever. I could almost lay down my
life for an abolitionist, for had it not been for them I
should have been in slavery still. I believe the Lord
will bless them. They have done every thing for me,
and it makes my soul melt towards them.

I recollect that my master in Virginia was a monstrous
bad man, but not half so bad as some others. I recol-
lect that my mother wanted some salt to put into
bread. My mistress, whenever we came down stairs,
would search our pockets, to see if we had taken any
thing. I went up to get some salt for my mother, and
put half a pint in my pocket. My mistress said, " Let
me feel your pocket ! " I was afraid and ran. She
called her son to catch me, as I had got something.
He caught me and punished me very heavily with a
cowhide — be beat me till I was out of breath.

In Kentucky, after a few years, the old man died, —
I fell to one of his daughters — she hired me out to a
brother-in-law. She was very good to me. I was hired
out eight years to different persons. My mistress then
died. She wanted me to be set free. Some of her kins-
folks said no, — that her brother had had bad luck, and
she had better will me to him. She, being bad off, being
sick, and not knowing how to carry her mind, — she did
so : she willed me to her brother. He kept me seven years
working on the farm. He was going to move into
Campbell Co. I had a wife and four children. To
leave me, he swapped me for another man. I lived
with him about thirteen years. He was a very clever
man. He was pretty rich — a sportsman, gambler,
horse-racer, etc. He came to get broke. Then we

were seized and sold. J G bought me. My

master was now a most cruel man. There was a

360 the refugee; cm a

great many who had a high regard for me. I was re-
spected by everybody —could be trusted, no matter with
what. I used to do his marketing, going to Cincin-
nati, sell his butter, flax-seed, potatoes, apples, peaches,
yarn — every thing — and took every copper home. I
wanted to be free, but was afraid to undertake it ; for
I thought if I were taken and carried back, it would be
a great disgrace to me, as I was always trusted. They
thought no more of trusting me with fifty or sixty dol-
lars in their stores than with half a dollar. I made
enough raising tobacco nights and Sundays to come
to more than seventy or eighty dollars a year. I
had always been trusty, and had been foreman on the
farm.

My master concluded that he must get an overseer.
The overseer made the bargain, that he was not to
interfere with the hands at all — -what he wanted,
he was to go to the overseer, who was to order the
hands. The overseer carried on very well. He kept us
moving from Monday morning until noon, Saturday —
then we left work until Monday. This did not suit mas-
ter nor mistress— it was a little too much privilege. If
the fourth of July or a holiday was a Friday we had it,
and Saturday afternoon as before. This troubled my
master more than ever. He began to get very uneasy.
I had not had a whipping for twenty years, and I said if
they would put a hand on me, that I would n't stop
any longer. The overseer observed, that he had made
a rule that three boys were to make a turn about, one
one Sunday, and another the next, to see things correct
on the place. I had a wife at home, and was there
more or less every Sunday. I always wanted to go to
meeting: sometimes I would stop after meeting, but
was always at home early to do the business.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 361,

The next Sunday after, the overseer was not satisfied,
because none of us had stayed at home. He called
me down to the barn,— -he had a cow-hide under his
coat. He said, why did n't you stay at home yester-
day ? I told him I wanted to go to church, and came
home in the afternoon, after the church was out. " I
told you to stay at home," said he, " and whatever I
tell you to do, you 've got to do it." The whipping he
gave me did not hurt me so much as the scandal of it,
■ — to whip so old a man as I was, and who had been
so faithful a servant as I had been : I thought it un-
sufferable. This was about the time the year rolled
round. The overseer's time was out, and the master
took his place. I do n't suppose I could tell in two

hours what I went through In the spring about

the 1st of May, he had the corn ground broken up com-
pletely. Planted the corn, three of us, fifty acres. After
it came up we ploughed in it before holiday. I worked
hard to try to please my master. He came home and
asked me, " Where have you been ploughing ? " " Such
and such a piece." " Is that all you 've ploughed ? " I
told him it was. " Well," says he, " I could plough
more land in one day, than you and Dave both have
ploughed." It was as big a lie as ever was told, but I
did not dare contradict him. The same day, he started
away to buy up cattle. " Now," says he, " I '11 tell you
what you've got to do: you've got all this field to
weed out, replant, chop all the big briers out, then go
to the high-tower place, weed out that, chop out all the
big briers and replant it : then go down to old Archy
Rendle, and do the same there." " I can't do that,"
says I, " to-day and to-morrow." " I do n't tell you to
do it to-day and to-morrow," said he, " you 've to do it
against I come back, if you do n't I '11 thump you." He

31

362 the refugee: or a

told Ben and Dave to plough the same fields over with
two furrows in a row. Monday was holiday ; but he
said, " you must go into Monday too : " taking away
our holidays, which was never done to me before.

Finding that he was going to take away our holi-
days, — we all resolved to break and run away, hit or
miss, live or die. There were thirteen of us started
away in company, — - not all from his place. One of
the boys went down to Covington and made the ar-
rangements. On a Sunday night we made our break,
and when we got to Covington, it was daybreak ; the
garrison were up, beating their drums. God was on
our side, or we should have been gone. We divided at
the last toll-gate. Some going through the gate and
myself and little Henry going round. We then found
a skirl and oars, got in the skiff and crossed the Ohio
into Cincinnati. I was so afraid I 'd see somebody that
knew me, I knew not what to do. When I got up on
Main St., I saw a great black smoke coming out of the
chimney of a steamboat as if she was coining right
across, — I was certain she was coming after me. I
met draymen who said, " Are you travelling ? " " No,
I 'm going up on the hill, to see my brother." My wife
was nearly about to give out. "Joe," said she, "do
pray stop a few minutes and let us rest." Said I, " I
cannot stop, — if you want to stop you can, but I must
go on. I caught her by the arm, and helped her on to
the top of the hill. There I met a friend

[Mr. Sandford's narrative was here interrupted. The
concluding portion of his fortunes is luckily supplied,
however, in the narrative which follows.]

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 363

JOHN HATFIELD.

I am a native of Pennsylvania ; and a mulatto. I
was employed as a barber on a steamboat plying from
New Orleans to Cincinnati. At one time, while in
New Orleans, I was afraid they would take me under
the law, and put me in jail. I would not conceal my-
self on board the boat, but went up and stayed with a
friend, until I thought it time for the boat to start. But
I was too soon, and came back to the boat the day be-
fore she sailed. I was arrested, ironed in the street to
degrade me, and put in the jail, where I remained
twenty-three hours. I found in the jail men from Bos-
ton, New York, Baltimore, and other places. There
was a chain-gang in there rattling, one crazy fellow
shouting — it was awful ! It reminded me of the place
of torment more than any thing else. In the morning
the whip was cracking, starting out the chain-gang,
just as one would start up horses. They measured me,
and recorded my name. I had committed no crime. I
never felt so degraded in my life. If I had murdered
a man or stolen a horse, I could not have been treated
with more contempt. A friend of mine sent a bed to
the jail for me to sleep on — they would not take it
in, — said I had a good bed — it was a plank and a
blanket. They fed me on baked beans and pork, and
charged me eleven dollars. It was a complete system
of robbery. They make thousands of dollars so, out
of the poor colored people. Still New Orleans used
to be the. best place in the Union for colored people,
after they got the right of citizenship : but I am told
it is getting to be harder on them now.

I was in Cincinnati when thirteen slaves reached

364 the refugee; ok a

there, running from Kentucky. They got there at seven
or eight in the morning. They were questioned very
closely by slave-catchers. One, pretending to be their
friend, put them in a cellar, and was guarding them
very closely, in order to get the reward. Among the
slaves were Joseph Sanford and his wife. A few of us
hearing of it, went there as quick as possible, and found
the man stopping up the holes in the cellar to keep
people from seeing them. I went in and asked Mrs.
Sanford if she knew that man. She said, " No — never
saw him before." I said, " You must get out of this."
I put a comrade to watch the man, and we took them
out two at a time, and hid them in various parts of the
city. Their pursuers were there in less than an hour.
They offered large rewards to any one who would just
tell what square they were in. But the rewards would
not fetch them : a million of dollars would not take a
slave in Cincinnati out of some people's hands.

They stayed concealed a fortnight, and then myself
and others guided them on the way to Michigan, which
they reached in safety. However, they were afterwards
all captured in Michigan : but they got off before a
judge, and were then sent over the line into Canada.

I came into this country on account of the oppressive
laws of the United States. I have as good friends in
the United States, colored and white, as ever a man
had, — I never expect to get so good friends again —
but the laws were against me.

I never felt better pleased with any thing I ever did
in my life, than in getting a slave woman clear, when
her master was taking her from Virginia. She came
on board a steamboat to Cincinnati. She had got to a
friend's house in the city. Word came to my ear that
too many knew where she was! I went there and told

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 365

the friend ; he thought she was safe. Then I went
home about sundown from there, and about dark he
came to me — he told me they had been there, — they
came to the back door, — he wrapped her in a blanket,
took her out of a front window, and took her across the
street. A man asked him what he had there. " A sick
man." He took her to another friend's house across
the street : that house was next surrounded. I took a
young man's clothes (he lived at my house) and dressed
her in them, — we came out at a gate near by, we
crossed dver the street ; — there were five or six persons
then coming towards us — all I could say was, "walk
heavy!" for they came right upon us. They walked
with us half a square — I was scared only for her.
They stopped a little — we got fifty yards ahead of
them. I then told her, "they are coming again, — hold
your head up, and walk straight and heavy ! " By this
time they were up with us again : they walked with us
a whole square, looking right in her face, trying to rec-
ognize her. We came to where there was a light
opposite, — I did not want to have her come to the
light, — I turned the corner and said, " Come this way,
Jim." She understood, and followed me. Upon this,
they turned and walked away as fast as they could
walk. What I said had the effect. I put her in a safe
place, and took a turn back again : I wanted to have
some fun. There were about a dozen standing at the
corner, near the house where they supposed she was,
talking about it. I went into a corner house, — there
were several of us in there, and we went to laughing
and talking about it : we did this on purpose to make
fun of them. They went away to a house, and said
they had seen the " nigger " dressed in men's clothes,
but that they were afraid to take her, there were so

31*

366 NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY.

many " niggers " round. There was no one with her
but me, but they did not want to have it appear they
were beaten so badly. We had a good deal of sport
out of it, — the woman we called " Jim," as long as she
stayed there. She came to the North at last. I have
had fifteen runaways harbored in my house at one time
— in one year, twenty-seven.

COLCHESTER.

This beautiful farming town, on the northern shore
of Lake Erie, contains a population not far from 1,500,
of whom about 450 are colored persons.

The reeve of the town, Peter Wright, Esq., informed
me that much of the land which has been opened to
cultivation was cleared by fugitive slaves. They leased
portions of wild land for a term of years, and by the
time they had made a good clearing, they were obliged
to go somewhere else. The amount of crime among
them was no more than might have been expected from
so ignorant and unenlightened a people. But as a
whole, there is a manifest improvement in respect to
honesty, and in their general deportment.

They have the same opportunity to instruct their
children as is enjoyed by the whites, — that is, they
draw their share of the school funds, and the trustees
are bound to employ competent teachers. It would be
convenient sometimes to employ teachers from the
United States, but in that case they cannot draw gov-
ernment money.

The fugitive slave bill drove into Canada a great
many who had resided in the free States : these brought
some means with them, and their efforts and good
example have improved the condition of the older
settlers.

(367)

368 the refugee; or a

The town clerk of Colchester coincided in the main
with Mr. Wright, "but expressed himself in more positive
terms on the general improvement of the colored race.
They have, however, I fear, but few friends among the
white settlers. " They ought to be by themselves ; " " if
we try to encourage them, we shall have to mix with
them," — these and similar expressions are very com-
mon. There are not many who wish to see the colored
people come up to an equal rank with themselves, polit-
ically or otherwise. The True Bands even begin to
form an object of groundless distrust.

Mr. Benj. Knapp, a native of the town, an intelligent
farmer, and who is one of the assessors, gave me some
information, which, with a few items from other sources,
and the statements of the colored people themselves,
will show the state of things in Colchester.

The school system is not so well organized as in
some of the States, sectarianism and prejudice interfere
too much : the law allows too many separate schools
paid for out of the public funds.

The front part of the township along Lake Erie is
well cleared up. The farms in this part belong to white
settlers, native Canadians. In the interior there is yet
a great deal of wild lands : to clear these up must be a
work of time. Back of the cleared farms on the Lake
shore, are farms owned mostly by whites, as far back as
the fourth concession, with here and there a farm owned
by a colored man. These farms are not generally so
thoroughly nor so neatly cultivated as those of the
whites ; though there are some white men's farms no
better than theirs.

In regard to fugitives, there is not one who cannot
find work within a few hours after he gets here. There
is no trouble about that : " we can't get men enough
to do our work."

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 369

Beyond the fourth concession, " farms belonging to
white and colored are mixed in." This is a newly set-
tled part ; it is within a few years that farmers have
begun to settle there. Colored people have penetrated
further into the woods than any of the whites : they are
scattered all through the township up to the sixth con-
cession. They are settled both north and south of the
old Maiden road : none would have ventured there but
them : they are all anxious to own land : they go in
anywhere they can make a claim, and clear up a patch.
But their ignorance stands most wofully, and in some
cases insurmountably, in their way. Instances of this
sort are said to have occurred : a settler for instance
takes a farm of 100 acres, appraised value $200, with
ten years to pay for it in. He pays $12 a year interest
for ten years, supposing meanwhile that he is paying
up the principal. He do nH understand it, — and when
the ten years have come round, he has not got the $200,
and must leave his clearing.

The colored people send their children to school, when
they have schools, and seem anxious to send their chil-
dren to school. The " Colonial Church and School
Society " have noted this town as a school station.

The settlement spoken of above where the colored
people have " penetrated into the woods," is known as
New Canaan. It is a prosperous settlement, in which
the element of progress is strikingly manifest.

ROBERT NELSON.

I was born in Orange county, Va. My mother was
sold away from me before I can remember. I was

370 the refugee; or a

taken from Virginia at seven, and remained there in
Kentucky, in Boone county, until forty-seven. While
I was in slavery, I belonged to a man who used me as
he did his children, except that he gave me no educa-
cation. I cannot write or read.

My master got involved, and I was mortgaged. The
mortgage was out and closed, — the sheriff got aftei
me, and I ran to Canada. I was to have been taken to
a cotton farm in Louisiana. This was in April, 1845.
I left without money. I had heard about the abolition-
ists, but was afraid of them : I thought no white men
would do what they said the abolitionists would do. I
had been told that they would sell us. So I was afraid
to trust them. The abolitionists wanted to have a
meeting to raise money for me, but I slipped out of
their hands. After I got here, I found they were all
true.

Some persons who wanted to betray me, told me I
could not live in Canada. I came in without a shilling.
I now own a house and one hundred and one acres of
land. I have averaged about fifteen acres of land a
year that I cultivated, having myself two thirds of the
crop. This enabled me to support myself and family,
and buy land. My wife belonged to another man. I
sent on and bought her for $400.

It is reported throughout the world, that colored peo-
ple cannot live here : I have been here ten years, and
have seen no one starving yet. Any man that will
work can get $10 or $12 a month, cash, and more if he
takes it in trade. I can raise corn sixty or seventy
bushels to the acre, as good corn as ever was raised in
the South. It has been stated that the colored popula-
tion are lazy, and won't work. The principal part all
work. This report has been got out by begging agents,
to fill their own pockets by raising money.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. • 371

The prejudice is higher here in this place than in any
part of Canada. It arises from a wish to keep the col-
ored people so that they can get their labor. They
used to work for the whites, but they only received half
price, and cases have been known where, for ten pounds
of pork, the laborer received five. The fugitive, as ig-
norant of figures as a hog is of holiday, had cunning
enough to go to another place and get it weighed. By
these means, the colored people became unwilling to
work for the whites, and tried to make themselves inde-
pendent. They began to take up land and work for
themselves : of course the whites could not hire them.
They have consequently become freeholders, and are of
some consequence at the polls.

The colored people have cleared up two thirds of
what has been cleared in this township. Those who
came first, bought lands of individuals and lost them
again : but when they began to buy of the government,
they began to have good claims on the land.

Some, when they first came, would take a lease of a
few acres of wild land, for six or seven years. By the
time they had got it cleared, and removed some of the
stumps, the lease was out. Then the white man said,
" you can't have that piece any more, — you must go
back in the bush." They found they must do different
from this. They began to work on the land for them-
selves, and to get farms of their own. Now because
the white men cannot hire them, they say the colored
people won't work.

They say, too, that the colored people steal. It may
be that a few are a little light-fingered, they take, per-
haps, a few small articles, and the greatest mischief is,
it scandalizes us. What two or three bad fellows do,
prejudice lays to the whole of us. But some white

372 THE REFUGEE ; OR A

men have stolen on the credit of the colored. It is very
easy to say when a thing is missed, — " O, 't is some
colored man stole it," — although, it has, to my knowl-
edge, been proved, that when theft was charged on a
colored man, it turned out that a white man did it.

There is a settlement here called New Canaan, where
was a large body of wild land. Colored people went
in and took it up at one hundred acres apiece. I guess
there may be now forty families. [In 1852, there were
twenty families.] They paid the first instalment, and
had ten years to pay in. But three quarters of them
have already paid the whole price, and got the deeds,
and are making good improvements on their lands,
making enough to support their families. The preach-
ing of the gospel is regularly kept up.

My wish to the people of the States is, to give no
more money to the begging agencies. If they wish to
give money to the fugitives and the sick, it should be
given to the True Band societies, who can disburse it
as it is wanted. The Band will attend to the fugitives.

DAVID GEIER.

I was born free in Maryland, — was stolen and sold
in Kentucky, when between eight and nine years old.
In Kentucky I was set free by will, and as they were
trying to break the will up, some of my claimant's
friends persuaded me to come off to Ohio. From Ohio,
I came here on account of the oppressive laws demand-
ing security for good behavior, — I was a stranger and
could not give it. I had to leave my family in Ken-
tucky.

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 373

I came in 1831. I have cleared land on lease for five
or six years, then have to leave it, and go into the bush
again. I worked so about thirteen years. I could do
no better, and the white people, I believe, took advan-
tage of it to get the land cleared. This has kept me
poor, I guess I have cleared not short of seventy or
eighty acres, and got no benefit. I have now six acres
cleared.

EPHRAIM WATEKFORD.

I was born free ; was bound until twenty-one, in Vir-
ginia. The man I was bound out to, was to teach me
to read and write, but did not — never gave me any
education at all.

I came into Indiana in the spring that James K. Polk
was made President. I stayed there till about two
years ago. I left on account of oppression in Indiana.
I had a farm there of forty acres paid for, and I had
the deed. A law was passed that a colored man could
not devise real estate to his wife and children, and there
were other equally unjust laws enacted. I told them
" if that was a republican government, I would try a
monarchical one." Between thirty and forty of us,
little and big, came over at the same time. I have a
farm here of two hundred acres wild land : I have five
acres under fence in corn now. E. Casey and S. Casey
came over at the same time. They are doing first-rate.
Both have farms on the 1st concession — I think be-
tween twenty-five and thirty acres under fence together.

There is prejudice right smart in some places in this
town. We try to live as upright as we can, get a little

32

374 the refugee; oil a

stock, etc. The whites can easily hire any colored man
who has no work to do for himself. A great many are
doing hired work about the town to-day — hired more
by white men than by colored, the white being more
able. I intend to give my child as good an education
as I can.

ELI ARTIS.

I have twenty-five acres of land, bought and paid for?
— about eight acres cleared. I am often hired out, and
never refuse to work where I can get my pay, and have
often worked when I got no pay. The colored peo-
ple are industrious, and if any say they are not willing
to work, it is a lie, and I '11 say so, and sign my name
to it.

I suffered from mean, oppressive laws in my native
State, Ohio, or I would not have been in this country.
I have lived here fourteen years.

EPHRAIM CASEY.

I am from the State of Georgia, where I was born
free. But the laws were no better about learning for a
free man than for a slave. I was never sent to a school
in my life. My opportunities for religious information
were poor. I am now a member of the Methodist
Church. At about twenty-three, I emigrated to Indiana,

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 375

carrying no property. In Indiana, I attended'to farm-
ing. I had a farm there, and when I left, owned one
hundred, and eighteen acres. I left on principle — on
account of the laws. I liked the country very welL
The laws bore hard on me before I came away — I had
a case in law, and could not prove my side good by the
evidence of colored men, which caused me a loss of
fifty or sixty dollars. I did not feel disposed to stand
this, and emigrated into Canada.

I settled in Colchester, where I bought out a white
settler, land and stock, for seven hundred and fifty dol-
lars. The farm was sixty acres, one half improved :
seventeen head of hogs, and five head of cattle. There
was no good water there. He had dug in a few places,
but got no supply. I sunk a well twenty-eight feet,
and the water now rises and runs over the surface, a
stream eighteen inches deep ; enough to supply water
for a steam saw-mill. I have growing eight or ten
acres of corn, five or six in wheat, two or three in oats,
some potatoes, and other vegetables. The land is bet-
ter than where I was in Indiana.

I moved in, two years ago last May. I have hired
colored men to work for me whenever I wanted their
help, and have seen them hired by others : but they
prefer, so far as I know, to work for themselves, and to
get an independent living.

REV. WILLIAM RUTH.

I am a native of Bourbon county, Ky., left there at
twenty-seven, and have resided principally in Colches-
ter since 1825.

376 the refugee; or a

I never met with any rough usage in slavery. It
was expected that I would be set at liberty at thirty-one,
by the will of my former master; but as there was sup-
posed to be a disposition not to give me a fair chance,
I was assisted off by a man who was a slaveholder
himself. There are a great many such movements
there.

I was young when I left there, but often saw separa-
tions of families by sales and by hiring. I happened
to fall to an Irishman, who was a good sort of a man
— an extraordinary man for a slaveholder — in advance
of all the county for kindness to his slaves.

I have fifty acres of land under fence, and had it all
cleared and improved years ago. It is well supplied
with water. I have an orchard with a good assortment
of fruits — apples, pears, and peaches. It is one of the
best farms in Colchester. I own seventy acres besides
in New Canaan.

New Canaan is going to be one of the finest and
most beautiful places. It has every advantage neces-
sary to make it a fine settlement. It is covered with
heavy timber, and has a first-rate soil. The settlers
are doing extraordinarily for the time they have been
there.

The colored people have their inferior class as well
as other people ; I mean a careless, loafing, negligent,
vicious class — and they have their turn in prison, like
other persons of that sort. We do n't claim to be bet-
ter than other people, but we claim to be as good.

In regard to education, we are destitute of it, as a
general thing. But the prospect is advancing. The
government schools are kept up. The rising genera-
tion are improving.

My candid opinion in regard to raising money in the

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 377

United States for fugitives is, that they should have an
agent here whom they can place confidence in, and
have him expend it under the direction of a committee
of white men belonging to the province. I would have
the board white, in order to bring the races more to an
understanding and better feeling towards each other ;
another reason is, that the colored population have not
generally had the opportunity to learn how to transact
business. They might, as they improve, be placed
on the board.

The society over which I am placed, is connected
with the Wesley or New Connexion in Canada. I
preach every Sabbath, generally two or three times a
day. They pay good attention to religion, and as a
general thing are a moral people. The laws of chastity
are well observed : in this they excel the whites.

32*

GOSFIELD.

Numbers nearly 2,600 inhabitants. The whole col-
ored population, by actual count, is 78.

Of the heads of families, all but two or three are
freeholders, and some of them have very good farms.
James King, Esq., Clerk of the Courts for the County
of Essex, C. W., thus characterized the colored people
of Gosfield : " They are good, loyal subjects, and good,
honest people. They are as moral as any people.
There is no fault to be found with them at all."

JOHN CHAPMAN.

I was originally from Kentucky, but removed into
Indiana at fourteen. I did not feel safe in Indiana, and
removed with my family into Canada at Gosfield.
Then it was pretty much all bush. The farmers raised
but little more than they wanted themselves. One
raises as much now as twenty did then. It was hard
to get a start when I came to this country.

There are now seventy-eight men, women, and chilr
dren : when I came there were but three colored. We

(378)

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OE SLAVERY. 379

live like rich folks, but when we came I was almost
discouraged.

They are generally getting along as well as could be
expected. All make a good living. Most of them own
houses and land. They generally attend divine service,
and send their children to school when it is open. It is
not kept up in the summer.

THOMAS JOHNSON.

I was raised in Virginia, which I left with my master
for Kentucky, at the age of twenty-one. Twenty years
after we moved, my master died, and I remained with
my mistress taking care of the farm. I used to take a
great deal of care of the place, seeing to the farming
operations, and have been to Cincinnati to sell produce.
The people all considered me trustworthy and honora-
ble, and some of the white people said I could make
greater crops than they could.

I had a wife and several children on a neighboring
farm. She wished to leave for Canada, with the three
youngest children. I gave her money and she got away
into Canada safe enough. As soon as she was gone, I
was seized and put in jail-— her owners said, if they
shut up the hen they could soon find the chickens.
They asked me in the jail, " if I knew she was going? "
I asked them " if they knew the height and size of my
wife?" They said they did. "Well," I told them,
"that is my life — and if your wife has done as many
pretty things for you, as mine has for me, would n't you
be willing to give her a little money to help her?" In
a few days, I was let out, I still continued on the

380 the refugee; or a

farm attending faithfully to my work — but my mistress'
friends, suspecting that when she died, I would run off
to rejoin my wife, persuaded her to sell me. One day,
eighteen months after my wife left, I was sent for to
the house. I went in, and asked my mistress what was
wanting. " Oh, dear ! " said she, " I don't know,
Thomas." But I know what 'twas for. Said I,
" When our Saviour was on earth, they could make out
nothing against him, till they got false witnesses, — and
there are false witnesses against me."

I was kept at the house that night, in charge of three
men, but was not put into strict confinement. The
next morning, one of them produced a pair of handcuffs
connected with a long chain, and said, "we must put
these on, Thomas." I said, " You will not put them on
to me, — I have done nothing for which I should wear
such things as them." " I '11 tell you the truth, Thomas "
said he, " we are going to send you down the river."

I was sitting at the grunsel, and as I sat, I carefully
slipped oft' my boots, then jumped up and ran for the
woods. They ran after me a short distance. I had
thirty-five dollars in my coat pocket, which came
in the way, running. I held it up in my hand, and as I
did so, turned to look behind me. My mistress' son
was at a fence, and he called out, " Thomas ! o-o-h,
Tho-o-mas ! " pitifully. No one was now following me.
I hid in the woods. I could not realize it — I sat down
on a stump, and said to myself, " is n't this a dream ? "
I could not realize that I had done such a thing as to
run away — it seemed so loiv. I — that had always
been trusted, and had served faithfully — to be a runa-
way at last.

That night, I crossed the river to Cincinnati. From
this place I sent a letter to a man in Kentucky, that if

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 381

he would buy me, I would return and live with him.
He showed the letter to my folks, and they wrote me to
come back, promising a great many things. My letter
was dated Cleveland, but I was in Cincinnati. I
thought as I was now away from them, I might as
well go on to Canada. I aimed for Toronto, but on
my way fell in with a man on board the boat, who
knew where my wife and children lived in Maiden.
I went there and joined them : and since that time,
three others of my children have made their escape
and are here.

I hired a piece of land in Maiden for three years. It
was not cleared, — I cleared it : then my lease was up,
and I rented a farm fifty dollars a year for five years.
When I took it, the fence was down. I fixed it up,
and cleared more. Then I told my folks that I would
have a piece of land of my own. They thought I
could not pay for it. I told them if they put a piece
of ice on a log in the sun, they would see the ice melt
away, — so, said I, our strength is melting away. I
took a piece of fifty acres, six acres cleared, at five dol-
lars an acre, and I have got the clear deed of it. Oth-
ers have done the same, and are doing it now. I don't
want anybody to beg for me in the United States.

ELI JOHNSON.

In slavery, we are goods and chattels, and have no
surname : but slaves generally take their master's name.

I was born and raised in old Virginia, Orange Co.,
till I was thirty. My treatment there was only mid-
dling. After thirty, I was sold to a trader, and carried

382 the refugee; or a

to Natchez. I was then sold at auction for $1,200, —
put on a cotton farm, and allowed a peck of corn a
week and three pounds meat, — was called sometimes
an hour to day, sometimes less, — must be on hand else
got the whip. If there wTas deemed sufficient cause, if
there was any word, or the least thing they did not like,
the man was staked down for four hundred lashes. I
saw a man staked down and whipped one Sunday, un-
til the blood lay in a pool on each side of him. It was
through the fear of the Lord, that I endured the perse-
cution put upon me, — I suffered a great deal there, —
and but for the fear of the Lord and the worth of my
own soul, I should have murdered the overseer. When
I first went it was a warm climate : I had to drink the
muddy water of the river, which made me sick and
weakened me down. Every day I was threatened with
seven hundred and fifty lashes, if I complained of being
sick. I had to keep on : being of strong constitution I
began to mend, and endured all they put on me for six
years.

My wife was with me, and was made to suffer worse
than I. I was in constant fear of the lash, but made
out to plead off, although the whipping seemed to be
sometimes, just to keep their hand in. Many men and
women were punished with a paddle and whip. I had
to make paddles with twelve holes in them. A block
lay in the cotton yard over which they were placed to
be paddled. I saw them take one man and paddle him,
then they struck him with a handsaw, then with a bull
whip : then they ordered me to lock the biggest log
chain I could find on the place around his neck with
the biggest lock, and keep him at my house until next
morning. I went out in the field leaving him at the
house, not believing him able to get out. The overseer

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OP SLAVERY. 383

gave me so many minutes to go and get him. I went
back for him, and met him hobbling along with the
chain. He had to work at chopping wood. Three
weeks he wore the chain : then myself and another
bailed him, and the chain was taken off: if he had run
away, we were to wear the chain. Three days after
the whipping, he was allowed no food. "We gave him
some of ours, but did not dare let it be known.

The whipping was because he ran away. He ran
away, because the overseer appropriated his wife. The
man threatened to do something about it, — the over-
seer threatened him with a whipping, — then he ran
away. I know all this, — I saw the treatment with my

own eyes. E— < was the overseer's name, — he stayed

there three years.

While under E , I was put on short allowance of

food and made to work on the Sabbath, etc. I was
then a professor and used to hold prayer-meetings Sat-
urday night. One Saturday night, during meeting,

E sent for me. I went to him. He told me to

stay until he had eaten breakfast next morning, then
he would stake me down and give me five hundred
lashes; for he wouldn't have such things as meetings
carried on. I managed to slip off, and went to the cab-
ins. I went back to him next morning while he was at
breakfast : his wife was facing me, he was back to me.
She pointed at me, and said, " there he is." I clapped
my hands together and said, " In the name of God why
is it, that I can't after working hard all the week, have
a meeting on Saturday evening? I am sent for to re-
ceive five hundred lashes for trying to serve God. I '11
suffer the flesh to be dragged off my bones, until my
bones stare my enemy in the face, for the sake of my

384 the refugee; or a

blessed Redeemer." He did not come to me, — he ap-
peared startled at my appearance. He went into the
house from the porch, got his gun and walked away.
After he had gone I walked away.

I think the reason he did not punish me was, that
once when it got to me that he said he would whip me,
and his wife wished he would, 1 had said, — "If he
whips me, I '11 put him and his wife in hot water." I
knew that he had been intimate with some of the slave
women. He told me at one time to leave my cabin
door, so he could get in, in the night, on account of one
of two girls that were there. I left the door on the
latch, and warned the girl. He came — but she strug-
gled against him, got away, and came to the bed where
were I and my wife. His wife heard what I said about
" hot water," and sent for me, making an excuse about a
partition. She placed a chair near me, " Well, Eli," she
says, " what 's that you was going to put me and my
husband in hot water for ? " I tried to turn it off. She
insisted, and at last got mad because I would n't tell
her, and said she'd make him make me tell. He made
her believe, that he would make me tell, and he told
me that he would n't for his right arm have his wife
know. So I knew what grounds I stood on, and kept
clear of the lash.

The next overseer was S . He kicked a woman's

eye out, the first day he came there. He asked her a
question in the gin-house, which she did not under-
stand. She said " No, Sir," at a venture. The an-
swer was wrong — she was stooping down, and he
kicked her face. It put her eye out. He went to the
house for something to put on it. She cried out aloud.
Said he, " Shut up ! I 've killed a great many better

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 385

looking niggers than you, and thrown 'em in the
bayou.'1 This I heard him say myself. Nothing was
done about the loss of the eye : the woman's husband
dared say nothing about it. In three weeks' time,

S whipped three women and nine men. The talk

in the quarters was among some to put him to death ;
others were afraid to try it. He left before the month
was up ; another named W was then overseer.

He went on rather roughly. There had been an un-
derhanded business done in selling cattle and wood off
the place, from which master had no benefit, in conse-
quence of which, I was privately made a sort of watch-
man over the place.

After W , the next overseer, was my master's

brother. At the end of two years, they fell out about
settling — the master said he was broke : they drew
knives, threatening each other, but did not use them.
Master said he would take the best slaves off the place,
and then sell the place, with the sorriest ones on it.
Then he said he could n't pay his brother in money,
but his brother might take it in slaves. The brother
picked out myself, wife, and two children and two
others, which was too many. Master objected — then
they drew the knives. Master gave him me, wife, and
children. At night, fearing he might take the others,
he took them himself, to his upper place, where he
lived above Natchez.

My new master removed us to Kentucky. We
were all the slaves he had. We raised tobacco, oats,
etc. I considered my treatment worse than at any
other place. They gave me great encouragement to
come with them, promising me well. Among other
things, he promised to pay me $10.25, earned by me at
overwork chopping. After I got to Kentucky, I want-

33

386 the refugee; or a

ed a hat. I went and picked one out, and told the
shopman I 'd get the money of my master. I sent his
son in to ask for it. He sent me word that if I men-
tioned money again, or told any person that he owed it,
he would give me five hundred lashes ! A while after,
I asked him to give me a little money. " What do
you want of money?" "To buy me a hat." "Isn't
that hat good enough ? " " It don't turn the water, and
I see the colored people wearing respectable hats, and
I want one to wear to meeting." He said " go to such
a place, get a wool hat, and have it charged to me."
I went and got it, — it was a poor thing, and cost one
dollar. I did what he wanted as well as I could, to
avoid punishment. I staid with him three years.

One day he had ordered me to draw some water on
a sled : then he called me into the field. I stooped
down to unloose a chain, — he hurried up to me with
an axe in his hand. He says, " When I want you for
one thing, you are sure to do another." I answered,
" I've got to work till I die, and had as lief work at one
thing as another." He threatened me with the axe — I
did n't dodge. Then he threatened me that he would
give me the five hundred lashes before many days. I
thought he might finally undertake it, and that I 'd bet-
ter be off. I received assistance from kind friends, and
reached Canada without difficulty about five years ago.
I have had a serious time in my life.

I felt so thankful on reaching a land of freedom, that
I could n't express myself. When I look back at what
I endured, it seems as if I had entered a Paradise. I
can here sing and 'pray with none to molest me. I am
a member of the Baptist Church, and endeavor to live
a Christian life.

I rent a piece of land, and make out to live. My

NORTH-SIDE VIEW OF SLAVERY. 387

family are sickly, so that I have not been able to pur-
chase land. But I am not discouraged, and intend to
work on while I have health and strength, and to live
such a life as I should wish when I come to die.

END.

rH- ' '

VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY

THE WRITINGS

OF

THE REV. JOHN CUMMING, D. D..

©IF L©Kl©®Kla

THE BENEDICTIONS, or THE BLESSED LIFE, 1 vol., 12mo, price 75 cts.

THE CHURCH BEFORE THE FLOOD, " " " 75 «

THE TENT AND THE ALTAR, " " " 75 "

THE VOICES OF THE DAY, " " " 75 "

THE VOICES OF THE NIGHT, " " " 75 "

THE VOICES OF THE DEAD, " " '« 75 "

THE CHRISTIAN'S DAILY LIFE, " " " 75 "

MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON GENESIS, " " " 75 "

MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON EXODUS, " " " 75 "

MORNING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON LEVITICUS, " " " 75 "

EVENING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON MATTHEW, " " " 75 "

EVENING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON MARK, " " " 75 "

EVENING SCRIPTURE READINGS ON LUKE, " " " 75 "

LECTURES ON ROMANISM, [very thick volume,] " " " 1.00

. The admirable writings of this distinguished preacher are so well
known in this country that it is not necessary to publish many testi-
monials in their favor. We give a few from leading religious papers.

"Thousands will hless the publishers for bringing to the American public a
knowledge of these writings." — Ch. Mirror, Portlund.

" Dr. Cumming is unquestionably the most eminent preacher now in London,
and it may be doubted whether he has his superior even in Europe." — Puritan
Recorder.

"No one can rise from the perusal of Dr. Cumming's writings without having
his mind enlightened, if not his heart amended." — Lutheran Observer, Baltimore.

" No Christian family can afford to be without these books of Dr. Cumming."
Ch. Chronicle, Philadelphia.

" In style, these volumes are very fascinating, while In spirit they are deeply
devout." — Congregationalist, Boston.

" All of this writer's works are eloquent, soul-stirring and stimulating, pregnant
with profitable instruction." — Zion's Herald, Boston.

"We know few books so enriched with thought, and so pervaded with genial
i Christian feeling, as those of Dr. Cumming." — The Presbyterian, Philadelphia.

lhh~ . ~-H

JEWETT & COMPANY BOSTON, AND CLEVELAND, OHIO.

WRITINGS

OF

REV. JOSEPH P. THOMPSON,

©6? MEW Y@«.

EGYPT, PAST AND PRESENT.

In one elegant 12mo volume, with

^tefg MlrpL%t f Ilttstralions, dmgratafr tvpwgglg for % tooxk

Price $1.00.

Thi8 is by far the cheapest, and as finely-written and reliable a
work as has ever appeared on Egypt.

NOTICES OF THE PRESS.

"A more interesting, spicy book of travels we have not seen in a long time." —
Eastern Argus.

"Here is a good book, which we have read with pleasure and profit." — Evening
Mirror, New York.

"An extremely entertaining and instructive volume." — Daily News, Phila.

"This is a volume full of interest, and illustrated with numerous engravings of
the highest excellence." — Evening Transcript, Boston.

"The author of this book of Travels will be recognized as one of the editors of
the New York Independent, who went abroad for his health. Mr. Thompson is a
man of fine habits of observation, possesses a lively mind, and is a graphic writer.
Besides, he is a man who knows whereof he writes, and one who writes from a
Christian stand-point. From the amount of ancient, profane and sacred history
with which he brings his observations into association, his work is as instructive
as it is interesting." — Springfield Republican.

" This is decidedly the most instructive and satisfactory book, respecting Egypt
and everything appertaining to that old and interesting country, that we have
ever met with." — Lutheran Observer, Baltimore.

h*-~

"•H

VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY
THE

MOTHERS OF THE BIBLE.

B T

MRS. S. G. ASHTON.

WITH

AN INTRODUCTION BY REV. A. L. STONE.

Plain cloth, $1.25 ; gilt, $1.75 ; calf, gilt, $2.50.

" This volume commends itself to our favor when we notice the name of the
writer of the introduction. "We entertain for Mr. Stone the most profound respect.
As a writer, he has peculiar merit ; and in all respects he is a man. His com-
mendation would give us confidence to endorse any work he had examined. The
' Mothers ' are described with a good deal of feeling, and with power, and perhaps
we might say, with genius ; for the author is quick in detecting character from
trifling incidents. The book will interest every lover of the Bible. In the execu-
tion of the work, the publishers deserve all praise. Mr. Jewett has here given us
the handsomest volume, for the price, we have ever seen."— Plougk, Loom and
Anvil, N. Y.

"A valuable as well as a beautiful book. It contains accounts of the women of
the scripture who brought up children, and its object is to show what are the best
and most scriptural modes of educating the young. It will please our religious
readers, and suggest many useful ideas to mothers." — Daily Courant, Hartford.

"Here is a charming book which every Christian mother should possess." —
Ind. Democrat, Concord.

" An invaluable volume, a precious offering, which we trust will find its way to
many a youthful hand, to many a maternal bosom." — American Courier.

" The author has a noble theme, and faithfully has it been unfolded and en-
forced."— Christian Chronicle, Philadelphia.

" It is such a book that no one but a lady could have written, and such an one
as no lady can fall to enjoy in reading." — Evening Traveller, Boston.

"It is the product of a beautiful mind, evidently under the guidance of a truly
Christian and devout spirit." — Puritan Recorder.

" It is a good book, and will repay more than one reading by all upon whom rests
the Joyful responsibility of maternity." — Congrcgationalist.

gt-*. ~*4

10

+•-*-

■•*

VALUABLE BOOKS, PUBLISHED BY

5

®|* JlttpstStt $p ttf $X%ML

LOUIS, XIV.

•i ni

AND

THE WRITERS OF HIS iWpE.
BY REV. J. F. ASTIE.

Itttrflbuttion an& translation
iB.Y RET. E. N. KIRK.

In one volume, 12mo. Price $1.00.

The following discriminating notice of this elegant work ia from
the Editor of the Evening .Traveller, Boston.

" A work of high interest, and which we have perused with the greatest satisfac-
tion. Of Louis the Fourteenth himself but little is said •, but a very just estimate
of the Grand Monarque's character is given ; and the author, who is evidently a
ripe scholar, then proceeds in a tone of fine, genial criticism, to lay before us the
merits of the principal chefs d'ceuvres of the great writers of that period — Pascal,
Corneille, Fenelon, La Fontaine, Boileau, Racine and Moliere. "We scarcely know
which most to admire, the beauties of those authors brought under our notice, or
the admirable taste displayed by the lecturer in his selection. His review of Pas-
cal's celebrated Provincial Letters, which show up in their undisguised enormity
the doctrines and policy of the Jesuits, should be read by all who candidly desire
true information on that subject. Indeed, the whole work has given us delight,
and we feel satisfied that, than these lectures, it would be impossible to have any
better introduction to the study of French literature as existing in what has been
termed the Augustan age of France. The translation appears to have been very
faithfully made by Mr. Kirk, who has displayed his talents in a new department,
by rendering the French poetry with which the lectures are interspersed, Into
English rhyme."

" It is a book to go upon the ' first-rate' literary shelf." — Congrcgationalist, Boat.

¥ This is unquestionably one of the most valuable additions to our higher liter-
ature that has been given to the public of late." — Evening Telegraph, Boston.

" It unfolds to us more fully than any other work we remember to have seen
the vast, power which characterized French literature at a certain period." —
Christian Observer, Philadelphia.

&+-

*«

i

4;